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URBAN HEALTH
AND SOCIETY
URBAN HEALTH
AND SOCIETY
Interdisciplinary
Approaches to
Research and Practice
N I C H O L A S F R E U D E N B E R G
S U S A N K L I T Z M A N
S U S A N S A E G E RT
Editors
Copyright © 2009 by John Wiley & Sons. All rights reserved.
Published by Jossey-Bass
A Wiley Imprint
989 Market Street, San Francisco, CA 94103-1741—www.josseybass.com
No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Urban health and society: interdisciplinary approaches to research and practice/
Nicholas Freudenberg, Susan Klitzman, Susan Saegert, editors.
p. ; cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-470-38366-7 (pbk.)
1. Urban health. 2. Interdisciplinary research. I. Freudenberg, Nicholas. II. Klitzman, Susan.
III. Saegert, Susan. [DNLM: 1. Urban Health. 2. Healthcare Disparities.
3. Socioeconomic Factors. WA 380 U7157 2009]
RA566.7.U735 2009
362.1'042—dc22
2009013922
Printed in the United States of America
first edition
PB Printing 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
CONTENTS
Preface xi
The Contributors xiii
PART ONE
INTRODUCTION 1
1 FRAMEWORKS FOR INTERDISCIPLINARY URBAN
HEALTH RESEARCH AND PRACTICE 3
Nicholas Freudenberg, Susan Klitzman, Susan Saegert
Introduction 4
The Implications of Urban Life for Health 6
Levels and Types of Interdisciplinarity 8
Conundrums in Interdisciplinarity 10
Interdisciplinarity and Theories of Knowledge 11
Methodological Challenges and Approaches to Interdisciplinarity 12
Interdisciplinarity: Which Disciplines When? 12
Role Definitions in Interdisciplinary Research and Practice 13
Multiple Levels of Intervention 14
Summary 15
2 ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE PRAXIS: IMPLICATIONS FOR
INTERDISCIPLINARY URBAN PUBLIC HEALTH 19
Tom Angotti, Julie Sze
Environmental Justice and Public Health 22
The Built Environment, Urban Planning, and Urban Public Health 23
Environmental and Social Justice, Interdisciplinarity, and the
Politics of Knowledge 26
vi Contents
Asthma and the Environmental Justice Campaign for a Solid
Waste Plan in New York City 29
Asian Immigrant and Refugee Organizing for Environmental
Health and Housing in the Bay Area 34
Conclusion 37
Summary 38
PART TWO
INTERDISCIPLINARY APPROACHES TO STUDYING
CAUSES OF URBAN HEALTH PROBLEMS 43
3 INTERDISCIPLINARY, PARTICIPATORY RESEARCH ON
URBAN FOOD ENVIRONMENTS AND DIETARY
BEHAVIORS 45
Shannon N. Zenk, Amy J. Schulz, Angela M. Odoms-Young,
Murlisa Lockett
Introduction 46
Determinants of Retail Food Environments in Cities 47
Using CBPR to Understand the Health Implications of Detroit’s
Food Environment 48
Directions for Future Research 54
Summary 56
4 AN ECOLOGICAL MODEL OF URBAN CHILD HEALTH 63
Kim T. Ferguson, Pilyoung Kim, James R. Dunn, Gary W. Evans
Introduction 64
An Ecological Model 64
Bronfenbrenner’s Bioecological Model 65
Influences on Children’s Health in the Urban Context 68
Research Across Multiple Levels 76
Agenda for Future Research and Practice 78
Summary 80
Contents vii
5 GEOGRAPHIC INFORMATION SYSTEMS, ENVIRONMENTAL
JUSTICE, AND HEALTH DISPARITIES 93
Juliana Maantay, Andrew R. Maroko,
Carlos Alicea, A. H. Strelnick
Introduction 94
Community-Based Participatory Research 95
Multilevel Models of Causation 96
Role of Geographic Information Systems 96
Environmental Justice and Health in the Bronx 97
Methods 101
Findings 110
Implications of Findings 111
Lessons on Interdisciplinary Approaches to Urban Health Research 117
Conclusion 119
Summary 119
6 RACIAL INEQUALITY IN HEALTH AND THE POLICY-INDUCED
BREAKDOWN OF AFRICAN AMERICAN COMMUNITIES 127
Arline T. Geronimus, J. Phillip Thompson
Introduction 128
Racialized Ideologies: Developmentalism, Economism,
and the American Creed 131
Implications for Public Policy 138
Building a Movement for Policy Reform 144
Summary 148
7 AN INTERDISCIPLINARY AND SOCIAL-ECOLOGICAL
ANALYSIS OF THE U.S. FORECLOSURE CRISIS AS IT
RELATES TO HEALTH 161
Susan Saegert, Kimberly Libman, Desiree Fields
Housing and Health: What’s the Connection? 162
The Social Ecology of Foreclosure 164
The Research and Its Context 166
Focus Group Analysis and the Emergence of Health as an Issue 170
viii Contents
Foreclosure and Public Health 173
Neoliberalism, the Foreclosure Crisis, and Health Consequences 174
Conclusion 176
Summary 178
PART THREE
INTERDISCIPLINARY APPROACHES TO
INTERVENTIONS TO PROMOTE URBAN HEALTH 183
8 TRANSDISCIPLINARY ACTION RESEARCH
ON TEEN SMOKING PREVENTION 185
Juliana Fuqua, Daniel Stokols, Richard Harvey,
Atusa Baghery, Larry Jamner
Introduction 186
Review of Transdisciplinary Action Research 186
Transdisciplinary Action Research Cycle 187
Translating Transdisciplinary Research into Community
Intervention and Policy 189
Factors Facilitating or Impeding Collaboration Among
TPC Members 196
Implications and Additional Lessons Learned from
the TPC Study 205
Future Directions 207
Summary 211
9 HOW VULNERABILITIES AND CAPACITIES SHAPE
POPULATION HEALTH AFTER DISASTERS 217
Craig Hadley, Sasha Rudenstine, Sandro Galea
Social and Economic Determinants of Health After Disasters 218
Humanitarian Crises in Angola and the Balkans 223
Hurricane Katrina 224
September 11, 2001, Terrorist Attacks on New York City 226
Implications for Prevention and Intervention 229
Summary 231
Contents ix
10 IMMIGRANTS AND URBAN AGING: TOWARD
A POLICY FRAMEWORK 239
Marianne Fahs, Anahí Viladrich, Nina S. Parikh
The New Urban Demography: Baby Boomers and Immigrants 240
Economic and Social Influences on Aging and Health Policy 242
Social and Environmental Considerations 246
Toward a Conceptual Framework 254
A Public Health Research and Policy Agenda 255
Summary 258
11 REVERSING THE TIDE OF TYPE 2 DIABETES AMONG
AFRICAN AMERICANS THROUGH INTERDISCIPLINARY
RESEARCH 271
Hollie Jones, Leandris C. Liburd
A Dialogue Between Two Disciplines: Psychology and
Medical Anthropology 273
Ethnic Identity and the Experience of Being African American
with Type 2 Diabetes 278
Interdisciplinary Research Methods 281
Integrating Social Psychology and Medical Anthropology
to Reduce the Burden of Diabetes 284
Summary 285
PART FOUR
PUTTING INTERDISCIPLINARY APPROACHES
INTO PRACTICE 293
12 USING INTERDISCIPLINARY APPROACHES TO
STRENGTHEN URBAN HEALTH RESEARCH
AND PRACTICE 295
Nicholas Freudenberg, Susan Klitzman, Susan Saegert
Doing Interdisciplinary Research and Practice 296
Defining the Problem 299
Creating a Process for Interdisciplinary Work 302
x Contents
Choosing Institutional and Community Partners 305
Influencing Policy and Practice 309
Evaluating Impact 311
Wanted: Interdisciplinary Researchers and Practitioners 312
Summary 314
GLOSSARY 319
INDEX 325
PREFACE
In this volume, we seek to bring together two emerging fields of study. The first, urban
health, asks how city living shapes health and how researchers, policymakers, health
professionals, and others can contribute to healthier cities around the world. The sec-
ond, interdisciplinary research, seeks to transcend the limitations of research approaches
informed by a single discipline. As more of the world’s populations move to cities and
as urban areas face more complex health problems, improving the health of urban pop-
ulations has become a central challenge for public health professionals, government
officials, researchers, and urban dwellers. More than ever, understanding and solving
problems like obesity, depression, diabetes, heart disease, pollution-related diseases,
violence, and infant mortality will require researchers who can investigate health at
individual, family, community, and policy levels and integrate theories, methods, and
analytic techniques from a variety of disciplines.
We wrote and edited Urban Health and Society: Interdisciplinary Approaches to
Research and Practice to prepare researchers and practitioners to be better equipped
to meet the challenges of improving the health of urban populations in the coming
decades. Our intended audience is researchers and graduate students in public health,
social sciences, nursing, social work, and other related fields. In Part One of the book
(Chapters One and Two), we introduce the central themes of the book and highlight
the connections between population health and social justice. In Part Two (Chapters Three
through Seven), interdisciplinary researchers who have studied food access in low-income
urban neighborhoods, child development and poverty, asthma and air pollution in New
York City, the impact of social policy on the health of African Americans, and the health
consequences of the recent housing foreclosure crisis explain how they studied the causes
of these problems using a variety of disciplinary, conceptual, and methodological
approaches. Part Three (Chapters Eight to Eleven) focuses on creating interventions to
solve urban health problems. In each chapter, authors from two or more disciplines ana-
lyze the contributions their approach offers to solving a particular problem, including teen
tobacco use, responses to natural and human-origin disasters, healthy aging for immi-
grants in urban areas, and reducing the epidemic of diabetes inAfricanAmerican commu-
nities. In Part Four (Chapter Twelve), we suggest how readers can use the insights from
previous chapters to bring interdisciplinary approaches to research and intervention into
their own work settings.
To assist faculty and students who use this book in graduate courses, we have
included objectives and discussion questions at the end of each chapter and, in the
back of the book, a glossary that defines the key concepts the authors discuss.
xii Preface
Our work as teachers, researchers, and policy advocates motivated us to compile
this book. At City University of New York, we have worked together to develop inter-
disciplinary approaches to teaching and research, created new courses on interdisci-
plinary approaches to urban health for masters and doctoral students in public health
and the social sciences, and collaborated on research projects aimed at understanding
how housing policies and practices influence the health of urban populations. Separately,
we have each worked for decades in university, municipal government, and community
settings to study and develop interventions to reduce a variety of urban health problems.
While we have benefited from the growing body of literature on the theoretical founda-
tions of interdisciplinary approaches to health research, our focus is more practical. We
want to help our colleagues and students to use these methods to improve their work
and increase its relevance to improving the health of urban populations.
We were fortunate to have the support of numerous individuals and organizations
to complete this volume. A Collaborative Incentive Grant from the Chancellor’s Office
of City University of New York (CUNY) helped us get started on this work.ARoadmap
Curriculum Development Award to Nicholas Freudenberg from the National Institute
of General Medical Sciences (1 K07 GM72947) supported our work on creating an
interdisciplinary doctoral curriculum in urban health at CUNY and supported some of
the authors of the chapters in this volume. This award also supported a faculty seminar
on interdisciplinary research that served as a valuable forum for developing this volume.
In June 2006, we convened a workshop of faculty from eight U.S. and Canadian uni-
versities to discuss research and teaching in urban health. These discussions informed
this volume and especially our observations in Chapters One and Twelve.
Many colleagues were kind enough to read chapters and provide helpful sugges-
tions to authors and editors. These include TomAngotti, Mimi Fahs, Sandro Galea, Mary
Clare Lennon, Shirley Lindenbaum, and Amy Schulz. Several students also helped to
compile literature reviews, prepare manuscripts, and assist in other ways. We thank
Tracy Chu, Zoe Meleo Erwin, Lauren Evans, and Rachel Verni. At Jossey-Bass, Andrew
Pasternack and Seth Schwartz provided encouragement and helpful suggestions for
improving the manuscript. Finally, we thank our students and our community and
municipal agency partners in research, who continually challenge, amplify, and enrich
our understanding of urban health, interdisciplinary research, and the links between pub-
lic health and social justice. We gratefully acknowledge the help we have received from
all these sources but of course accept full responsibility for the content of this volume.
New York City
Nicholas Freudenberg
Susan Klitzman
Susan Saegert
February 2009
THE CONTRIBUTORS
Angotti, Tom, PhD
Professor of Urban Planning and
Director
Center for Community Planning and
Development
Hunter College, City University of
New York
New York, N.Y.
Alicea, Carlos
President
For a Better Bronx
Bronx, N.Y.
Baghery, Atusa
School of Social Ecology
University of California, Irvine
Irvine, Cal.
Dunn, James R., PhD
Research Scientist, Center for Research
on Inner City Health
St. Michael’s Hospital;Associate Professor
University of Toronto, Dalla Lana School
of Public Health
Toronto, Canada
Evans, Gary W., PhD
Elizabeth Lee Vincent Professor
of Human Ecology
Departments of Design and
Environmental Analysis and of
Human Development
Cornell University
Ithaca, N.Y.
Fahs, Marianne, PhD, MPH
Professor, Urban Public Health
Co-Director, Brookdale Center for
Healthy Aging & Longevity
Hunter College, City University of
New York
New York, N.Y.
Ferguson, Kim T., PhD
Psychology Program
Sarah Lawrence College
Bronxville, N.Y.
Fields, Desiree
PhD student in Environmental
Psychology
Graduate Center
City University of New York
New York, N.Y.
Freudenberg, Nicholas, DrPH
Distinguished Professor of Public
Health and Social/Personality
Psychology
Hunter College and The
Graduate Center, City University
of New York
New York, N.Y.
Fuqua, Juliana, PhD
Assistant Professor
Department of Psychology and
Sociology, California State
Polytechnic University, Pomona
Pomona, Cal.
xiv The Contributors
Galea, Sandro, MD, DrPH, MPH
Professor of Epidemiology
University of Michigan, School of Public
Health
Ann Arbor, Mich.
Geronimus, Arline T., ScD
Professor of Health Behavior & Health
Education
University of Michigan, School of Public
Health
Ann Arbor, Mich.
Hadley, Craig, PhD
Assistant Professor of Anthropology
Emory University
Atlanta, Ga.
Harvey, Richard, PhD
Assistant Professor of Health Education
Department of Health Education
San Francisco State University
San Francisco, Cal.
Jamner, Larry, PhD
Professor of Psychology and Social
Behavior
School of Social Ecology
University of California, Irvine
Irvine, Cal.
Jones, Hollie, PhD
Assistant Professor of Psychology
Medgar Evers College
City University of New York
New York, N.Y.
Kim, Pilyoung, MEd
Doctoral student
Department of Human Development
Cornell University
Ithaca, N.Y.
Klitzman, Susan, DrPH, MPH
Professor and Director, Urban Public
Health Program
Hunter College, City University of
New York
New York, N.Y.
Libman, Kimberly
PhD student in Environmental
Psychology, CUNY Graduate Center
and MPH student, Hunter College
City University of New York
New York, N.Y.
Liburd, Leandris C., PhD, MPH
Branch Chief, Community Health and
Program Services Branch, Division of
Adult and Community Health,
National Center for Chronic Disease
Prevention and Health Promotion,
Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention
Atlanta, Ga.
Lockett, Murlisa, MA
Detroit Department of Health and
Wellness Promotion
Detroit, Mich.
Maantay, Juliana, PhD, MUP
Associate Professor of Urban
Environmental Geography
Department of Environmental,
Geographic & Geological Sciences
Lehman College, City University of
New York, Bronx, N.Y.
Director of Geographic Information
Science Program
Doctoral Program in Earth and
Environmental Sciences, City University
of New York Graduate Center
New York, N.Y.
The Contributors xv
Maroko, Andrew R.,
Ph.D. student in Earth and
Environmental Science
Lehman College and Graduate Center,
City University of New York
Bronx, N.Y.
Odoms-Young, Angela M., PhD
Assistant Professor of Public Health and
Health Education
Northern Illinois University School of
Nursing & Health Studies
DeKalb, Ill.
Parikh, Nina S., PhD, MPH
Senior Research Associate
Brookdale Center for Healthy Aging &
Longevity
Hunter College, City University of
New York
New York, N.Y.
Rudenstine, Sasha
Site Coordinator
Disaster Research Education and
Mentoring Center (DREM)
University of Michigan, School of Public
Health
Ann Arbor, Mich.
Saegert, Susan, PhD
Professor of Community Psychology
Vanderbilt University
Nashville, Tenn.
Schulz, Amy J., PhD
Research Associate Professor, Health
Behavior & Health Education;
Associate Director, CRECH
Research Associate Professor, Institute
for Research on Women and Gender
University of Michigan, School of Public
Health
Ann Arbor, Mich.
Stokols, Daniel, PhD
Chancellor’s Professor of Planning,
Policy & Design
School of Social Ecology, University of
California, Irvine
Irvine, Cal.
Strelnick, A. H., MD
Professor of Clinical Family & Social
Medicine
Director, The Bronx Center to Reduce
and Eliminate Ethnic and Racial
Health Disparities
Albert Einstein College of Medicine,
Montefiore Medical Center
Bronx, N.Y.
Sze, Julie, BA, PhD
Associate Professor of American Studies
University of California, Davis
Davis, Cal.
Thompson, J. Phillip, PhD
Associate Professor of Urban Politics
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Cambridge, Mass.
Viladrich, Anahí, PhD
Associate Professor
Urban Public Health Program
Hunter College, City University of NewYork
New York, N.Y.
Zenk, Shannon N., PhD, MPH, RN
Assistant Professor
Department of Health Systems Science
University of Illinois at Chicago College
of Nursing
URBAN HEALTH
AND SOCIETY
PART
1
INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER
1
FRAMEWORKS FOR
INTERDISCIPLINARY
URBAN HEALTH
RESEARCH AND
PRACTICE
NICHOLAS FREUDENBERG, SUSAN KLITZMAN, SUSAN SAEGERT
LEARNING OBJECTIVES
■ Offer three reasons why interdisciplinary research approaches are especially suit-
able for investigation of urban health problems.
■ Explain the characteristics of cities that affect the public health challenges they face
and that make urban health problems particularly appropriate for interdisciplinary
study.
■ Compare and contrast unidisciplinary and interdisciplinary research from the point
of view of both substance and the processes involved, as well as the challenges
inherent in interdisciplinary research.
4 Frameworks for Interdisciplinary Urban Health Research and Practice
■ Describe approaches to overcoming interdisciplinary challenges related to assump-
tions, methods, institutional settings, and the focus of interventions.
INTRODUCTION
For the past two centuries, cities and urbanization have been a dominant influence on
health and disease, and today, more of the world’s population lives in cities than ever
before. In 2007, half of the world’s population lived in urban areas, and by 2030,
three-quarters will live in cities.1, 2
For health researchers and practitioners, under-
standing how the urban environment influences health and well-being will determine
how successful we are in caring for individuals and families, in promoting population
health, and in achieving local, national, and global health goals.
More broadly, as the United Nations State of the World’s Cities report noted in
2001, “For better or worse, the development of contemporary societies will depend
largely on understanding and managing the growth of cities. The city will increasingly
become the test bed for the adequacy of political institutions, for the performance of
government agencies, and for the effectiveness of programmes to combat social exclu-
sion, to protect and repair the environment and to promote human development.”3
As the urban population grows and as cities become more diverse and complex, it
becomes increasingly difficult for any single individual, academic discipline, profes-
sion, institution, or agency to develop the insights and skills needed to improve the
health of urban populations or to create healthier cities. Despite the growing recognition
that only interdisciplinary research and practice can solve the health challenges facing
cities today, most universities still train health researchers and professionals in a single
discipline, teach them only a few research methods, and do not acquaint their students
with the growing literature on interdisciplinary approaches to health. In this volume, we
seek to remedy this problem by introducing students, researchers, and practitioners in
public health, medicine, social work, nursing, sociology, anthropology, psychology,
urban planning, geography, and other disciplines to the concepts of interdisciplinary
approaches to urban health research and practice. Our goals are to familiarize readers
with the emerging concepts and principles that characterize interdisciplinary urban
health research, to provide case studies of interdisciplinary health research within cities,
and to prepare readers to work more effectively within interdisciplinary research and
intervention teams.
This volume grows out of our own experiences as researchers and teachers, from
our reading of several bodies of literature, and from recent calls for more emphasis on
interdisciplinary education and research. Since the early 1980s, we have separately
and together studied, developed, directed, and evaluated interventions to address sev-
eral quintessential urban social, health, and environmental problems: childhood lead
poisoning, asthma, deteriorated housing, HIV infection, reentry from jail, violence
and crime, mothers’ and children’s mental health problems, and obesity and diabetes.
In each of these cases, our efforts to understand and reduce the health problems facing
Introduction 5
urban neighborhoods forced us to transcend the disciplinary boundaries of our profes-
sional training and to learn new languages, concepts, and methods.
As teachers at City University of New York (CUNY), the largest urban public
university in the nation, and Vanderbilt University, we also bumped against disciplin-
ary boundaries. Our graduate students in psychology, public health, environmental
health, health education, nursing, public policy, and sociology—many of them work-
ing in the health field during the day—wanted to take courses, learn skills, and integrate
methods from different disciplines to succeed in solving the problems they faced in
their own research and in jobs at the municipal health department, in voluntary health
agencies, or with community organizations. Too often, however, the requirements of
accrediting agencies, the curriculum or departmental structure of our universities, or our
own limitations as disciplinary researchers made it difficult for our students to achieve
their interdisciplinary objectives. Recently, we have worked to develop at CUNY a vari-
ety of interdisciplinary approaches to graduate education for social science and public
health students interested in urban health. These experiences have reinforced our view
of both the potential and the obstacles facing interdisciplinary study.
As social scientists and health researchers, we are influenced by several emerging
bodies of literature on urban health, on social determinants of health, on social support
and health, on health inequities and disparities, on various participatory research meth-
ods, and on human rights, social justice, and health. Each of these fields has been
developed by investigators from several disciplines, and each has begun to establish an
interdisciplinary foundation that can guide future research and intervention. Although
these new developments have informed our research and teaching, we have also been
frustrated with the difficulty of developing for ourselves and our students a user-friendly
synthesis of these emerging principles, theories, and methods that can guide research
and practice. Once again, our own and our colleagues’ disciplinary roots make it diffi-
cult to integrate new scholarship across levels and disciplines.
Finally, this book is a response to several recent calls for more attention to inter-
disciplinary research and education. In its report The Future of the Public’s Health in the
21st Century,4
the National Academies Press emphasized the importance of interdisci-
plinaryeducationinhealth.Itcalledonuniversitiesto“increaseintegratedinterdisciplinary
learning opportunities for students in public health and other related health science pro-
fessions . . . and interdisciplinary education and appropriate incentives for faculty to
undertake such activities.” The 2003 National Academies Press report Who Will Keep
the Public Healthy?5
also stressed the need for more interdisciplinary education for
biomedical and social science researchers. In its 2005 report Facilitating Interdis-
ciplinary Research,6
the National Academies Press suggested that graduate students
should explore ways to broaden their experience by gaining “requisite” knowledge in
one or more fields in addition to their primary field. They also suggested that research-
ers and faculty members desiring to work on interdisciplinary research, education, and
training projects should immerse themselves in the languages, cultures, and knowledge
of their collaborators.
6 Frameworks for Interdisciplinary Urban Health Research and Practice
In its effort to chart a “road map” for medical research in the twenty-first century,
the National Institutes of Health observed that “the scale and complexity of today’s
biomedical research problems increasingly demand that scientists move beyond the
confines of their own discipline and explore new organizational models for team
science.”7
As urban health researchers and teachers, we support these calls for new
paradigms but note the lack of practical tools for achieving these ambitious aims. We
hope this volume will help to fill this gap.
Finally, the Institute of Medicine, the Council on Education for Public Health, and
other bodies have called on schools of public health to strengthen preparation of students
in interdisciplinary collaboration and communication. Most faculty and researchers
agree in principle with this call, but few have developed practical strategies for meeting
this new mandate or found ways to equip students with the competencies to defuse the
land mines one encounters when crossing disciplinary boundaries. This book hopes to
meet that need.
In sum, we hope this collection of essays will help to educate health professionals
and researchers who can transcend the limitations we have faced. By introducing stu-
dents early in their careers to the concepts and methods of other disciplines, by describing
the benefits but also the real-world challenges that interdisciplinary researchers face,
and by presenting case studies from the interdisciplinary front lines of public health and
social science research and practice, we hope today’s students will be better prepared to
accept interdisciplinary approaches as the norm rather than the exception. In this chapter,
we introduce several themes that are developed in subsequent chapters.
THE IMPLICATIONS OF URBAN LIFE FOR HEALTH
One recurring theme is that interdisciplinary research and the field of urban health are
good partners for a lasting relationship. What makes the health of urban populations
especially suitable for these interdisciplinary approaches?
First, like coral reefs or tropical rain forests, cities are complex biological, social,
and physical systems in which organisms (in this case, humans are our main interest)
interact with each other and their environment at the molecular, local, and global levels.
No single discipline can capture the complexity of these interactions, and only inter-
disciplinary methods can consider these dynamics at several levels simultaneously.8, 9
Second, cities have diverse populations. Population heterogeneity sets the stage for
a variety of biological, cultural, political, and social encounters among and within the
various subpopulations. For example, understanding the health implications of the food
practices of urban ethnic groups and their varying interactions with the urban food sys-
tem requires nutritional, anthropological, sociological, and psychological expertise,10
as Zenk and her colleagues describe in Chapter Three.
Third, cities have dense populations. Sociologists, economists, and biologists have
studied the consequences of population density for more than 200 years, and more
recently, epidemiologists and psychologists have also taken on this issue. Some research
suggests that density contributes to negative effects on physical and mental health, but
The Implications of Urban Life for Health 7
other studies document increased access to health services, close knit subcultures, and
greater freedom of choice and personal development. By integrating the findings on
density from these various disciplines, it may be possible to develop a more nuanced
view of the various ways that density influences health. More pragmatically, under-
standing the complex ways that density affects health can assist urban planners to
design cities and neighborhoods that better promote well-being. In Chapter Nine,
Hadley and colleagues examine how urban density shapes the health consequences of
disasters such as earthquakes, tsunamis, or terrorist attacks.
Fourth, because most cities are characterized by high levels of inequality, inter-
ventions—evenbeneficialones—runtheriskofreinforcingorevenwideningdisparities
in health.11
Thus, opening new municipal fitness centers may exacerbate the gap in
physical activity levels between the poor and the better off unless the poor have what
Paul Farmer has called a “preferential option” for the new services.12
What is benefi-
cial at the individual level may be harmful to population health and to social justice. To
avoid this unintended effect, urban public health planners need to define disparity
reduction as an explicit goal. This requires thinking across levels and considering tech-
nical and ethical concerns; both tasks are suited to interdisciplinary research. In Chapter
Six, Geronimus and Thompson examine the multiple pathways by which public policies
have often undermined the health of African American communities.
Fifth, most cities organize the municipal services that affect health in sectoral pro-
grams: education, health care, sanitation, water, or housing. Each sector has its own
experts, and rarely do policymakers or researchers consider the impact of develop-
ments in one sector (e.g., increasing rates of high school dropout) on outcomes in
another (e.g., longevity or premature death). For urban residents, however, it is the
totality of their environment and the services available to them that shape their living
conditions. Interdisciplinary research can begin to examine these intersections across
levels and sectors and analyze their impact on health. Saegert and her colleagues pro-
vide such an example in Chapter Seven in their analysis of the health consequences of
housing foreclosures.
Sixth, compared to other areas, cities have a rich array of social and human
resources—dense social networks, many community-based organizations, and diverse
formal and informal service providers. These human resources and the social capital
inherent within them constitute key assets for urban health promotion, and effective
public health programs use these resources both to root interventions in a specific
urban context and to reduce the need for external resources.13–15
Recent work on social
capital in psychology, sociology, and public health demonstrates the potential for both
theory and research in this area and the value of investigating the dynamic interac-
tions among different social levels.16–18
For example, in Chapter Ten, Fahs and her
colleagues assess the contributions that immigrant urban communities can bring to
healthy aging, and in Chapter Eleven, Jones and Liburd describe some of the assets
that African American communities can bring to the task of reversing the diabetes epi-
demic. Finding the right assets, mobilizing them, and ensuring their sustainability are
important tasks for urban health interventionists.
8 Frameworks for Interdisciplinary Urban Health Research and Practice
Seventh, the development of modern cities and their impact on the health and well-
being of their inhabitants are dynamic across time and place. For example, although
many cities in North America and Europe began experiencing unprecedented popula-
tion expansion during the latter half of the nineteenth century, it was not until a century
later that many of their southern counterparts in Asia, Africa, and Latin America did so.
Temporal and geographic differences are also manifest in disease patterns: Many northern
cities have experienced significant overall declines in infectious diseases and subsequent
increases in longevity, although these diseases continue to burden disproportionately dis-
advantaged subgroups in the population. Now, developed world cities are battling
noninfectious diseases like cancer, diabetes, heart disease, and Alzheimer’s disease that
are associated with cumulative exposures, aging, and long latency periods. Meanwhile, in
many developing world cities, infectious diseases like HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria,
and dengue fever are still raging, shortening life spans, and imposing misery. To under-
stand the growth and character of cities and their impact on health requires that we
consider a myriad of historical, geographic, economic, political, and social forces. No sin-
gle discipline possesses the framework and tools for such an analysis.
In sum, we seek to show that the methods of interdisciplinary research can help to
understand better the outcome of the health of urban populations. The complex health
conditions facing cities have determinants and consequences at multiple levels of bio-
logical and social organization, and they vary significantly across time and place. In
addition, they often need to effectively address simultaneous changes in behavioral,
community, organizational, and policy domains. No single discipline can provide the
tools needed to operate in these many dimensions.
LEVELS AND TYPES OF INTERDISCIPLINARITY
Our second theme is that interdisciplinarity is best considered a continuum rather than
a polarity with disciplinary approaches. In our view, any specific research project,
intervention, or program in urban health can be located along a continuum that begins
with disciplinary approaches, proceeds to multidisciplinary, then to interdisciplinary,
and finally to transdisciplinary. Examples of disciplinary approaches to the study of
urban health abound in the peer-reviewed and popular literature—sociological studies
of urban crime, psychological studies of population density and crowding, environ-
mental health studies of urban noise, air pollution, or childhood lead poisoning, and
clinical studies of anti-hypertension, cholesterol, or malarial drugs.
Multidisciplinary research joins investigators from different fields to bring their
own methods and concepts to a common problem. As Stokols and others have noted,19
fields such as public health and urban planning are inherently multidisciplinary in that
they encompass several different disciplines whose perspectives are combined in anal-
yses of complex topics, such as population health and urban development. For example,
epidemiologists, environmental health researchers, pediatricians, housing specialists,
and psychologists have studied the epidemic of childhood asthma in U.S. cities. Each
researcher uses his or her analytic methods and concepts to examine the role of, say,
Levels and Types of Interdisciplinarity 9
air pollution, quality of medical care, housing characteristics, diet, or parental manage-
ment in the prevalence of asthma or the severity of symptoms. And as Fuqua and her
colleagues show in Chapter Eight, reducing the toll from tobacco has forced research-
ers from many disciplines to form innovative research collaboratives. Occasionally,
these investigators work together, and such efforts have led to a better understanding of
asthma. Too often, however, multidisciplinary research resembles more the parallel
play of toddlers than the collaborative work of a single team. Differences in language,
methods, scale, and outcome make it difficult to integrate findings across disciplines
and to develop science-based multilevel interventions to improve urban health.
The National Academies Press has defined interdisciplinary research as “a mode of
research by teams or individuals that integrates information, data, techniques, tools, per-
spectives, concepts, and/or theories from two or more disciplines or bodies of specialized
knowledge to advance fundamental understanding or to solve problems whose solutions
are beyond the scope of a single discipline or field of research practice.”6
The operative
distinction with multidisciplinary approaches is the integration of perspectives from two
or more disciplines. Several chapters illustrate this process, including Angotti and Sze in
Chapter Two, who integrate urban planning with historical and environmental health
approaches to the study of urban environmental hazards and Maantay and her colleagues,
who in Chapter Five synthesize geographic and medical perspectives to better understand
childhood asthma.
More recently, Stokols and others have proposed the term “transdisciplinary
research,” which is characterized by a deliberate integration of concepts and methods
from several fields to address a common problem. It results in “collaborative products”
that “reflect an integration of conceptual and/or methodological perspectives drawn
from two or more fields.”19
Their work on tobacco control,19
recent studies of the obe-
sity epidemic,20–22
and studies of child development in urban settings, described by
Ferguson and colleagues in Chapter Four, illustrate transdisciplinary approaches. In
some cases, transdisciplinary approaches lead to the creation of new discipline that
integrates previously separate ones. For example, the new field of “cognitive science”
brings together researchers and methods and concepts from anthropology, artificial
intelligence, neuroscience, education, linguistics, psychology, and philosophy.6
In
Chapter Twelve, we consider the advantages and disadvantages of viewing urban
health as a new transdisciplinary field.
To help readers locate their own efforts and the cases described in this volume on
the disciplinarity continuum, it may be helpful to describe some of the characteristics
that distinguished more unidisciplinary research from interdisciplinary research (IR).
First, the starting point for IR is often a problem rather than a single hypothesis about
the relationship between two variables. Second, IR often struggles to define a common
language and concepts, a task not usually needed in disciplinary research. Third, IR
often works at two or more levels of organization, requiring more sophisticated
methods to account for the influences of one level on another. Fourth, IR is less often
guided by theory, in part because theories often describe only one analytic level or are
bounded by a single discipline. Finally, compared to the frequently incremental approach
10 Frameworks for Interdisciplinary Urban Health Research and Practice
of disciplinary research, in which each research finding contributes a small addition to
a fuller picture of the question of interest, IR may take a more dynamic approach.
Integrating findings across levels may lead to a reformulation of basic concepts and
a reframing of research questions.
In our view, the important task is not so much how to create precise definitions that
distinguish among the points on the disciplinarity continuum but rather to help research-
ers decide where to locate their own efforts. Our own experience and the chapters in
this volume suggest that this decision is based on the nature of the problem under study
and the specific research questions that drive this decision and not on inherent charac-
teristics of the different degrees of disciplinarity.Although we appreciate the distinction
between interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary research, in this volume, we generally
use the more common term interdisciplinary for clarity and simplicity.
CONUNDRUMS IN INTERDISCIPLINARITY
A third theme that emerges from this book is that interdisciplinary research is difficult.
We resist the effort to paint it as the ideal solution to all complex problems and argue
instead that researchers need to have a clear rationale for its use in any specific situation.
Whatmakesinterdisciplinaryresearchsochallenging?First,thevalueofdisciplines—
part of the reason they emerged—is to help focus attention on a defined set of variables,
usually at a single analytic level and informed by a small number of relevant theories.
Once researchers give up the disciplinary lens, they can be dizzied by choices—like
looking through a microscope, binoculars, and a telescope simultaneously. And interdis-
ciplinary approaches offer not only multiple ways of framing the problem but also multiple
methods of collecting and analyzing data. Choosing this path significantly expands the
number of choices a researcher needs to make.
A related challenge is integrating methods and theories from different analytic
levels or different levels of social organization. In some cases, methodologies such as
multilevel statistical models or structural equation modeling provide a framework for
explaining the relationship among different levels, but the simplified assumptions
these models require may limit the insights they can offer. In childhood lead poison-
ing, for example, the child’s nutritional status, behavioral patterns, interactions with
parents, and access to health care, as well as the living conditions inside the house-
hold, the building, the block, the neighborhood, and the policies of the city, state, and
national government all influence the individual and population prevalence of elevated
lead levels. How do we integrate findings from these different levels to develop more
effective lead poisoning prevention policies and interventions? The practical difficulty
explains why researchers often choose to focus on a single level using data and theo-
ries from a single discipline—even if such studies are of limited use in the development
of effective prevention policies.
Another difficulty for the researcher considering interdisciplinary approaches is
the sheer volume of knowledge needed to be effective in this task. The unread journals
that pile up in our own offices show how hard it is to keep up with new findings and
Interdisciplinarity and Theories of Knowledge 11
new methods in our own field. Imagine having to stay on top of two or three fields to
stay current. Learning what you do—and do not—need to know to move beyond your
own discipline is a critical skill for interdisciplinary researchers. The chapters in this
volume suggest some of the strategies these authors have used, including the value of
interdisciplinary colleagues as sources of guidance and information.
Institutional obstacles also hamper interdisciplinary research. As we have dis-
cussed interdisciplinary approaches with our colleagues, we heard several stories from
faculty members who had been warned by their departmental chairs not to stray too far
from their own discipline. Tenure and promotion, they were told, depended on pub-
lishing in their disciplinary journals and using methods and theories with which their
colleagues were familiar. In our own university, while administrators were supportive
of our development of interdisciplinary approaches to urban health research and teach-
ing, the practical questions of who gets overhead, release time, and teaching credit
arose with every effort. Like others, we often found that disciplinary approaches elic-
ited fewer questions and concerns, forcing us to consider whether the extra effort our
interdisciplinary initiatives required was worth the benefits. In the final chapter, we
review some of the methods the authors of these chapters have used to overcome the
challenges posed by their choice of interdisciplinary approaches.
INTERDISCIPLINARITY AND THEORIES OF KNOWLEDGE
A fourth theme that several authors consider is the intersection between interdisciplin-
ary and social constructivist perspectives. Social constructivists believe that reality is
produced and reproduced by people acting on their interpretations and their know-
ledge of the world.23
In disciplines like anthropology, history, and some schools of
thought in political science and sociology, scholars point out that the answers to the
question of how, for example, city living affects health are not univocal but depend on
the geographic, cultural, socioeconomic, religious, and other statuses of the analyst.
Although interdisciplinary approaches also acknowledge the value of different voices,
there is no inherent belief that all knowledge is “constructed” or that essential truths do
not exist.
Bringing together interdisciplinary teams that include both constructivists and
essentialists may be something like asking atheists and devout believers to write scrip-
tures together. However, failing to include these two fundamental approaches to modern
scholarship may limit researchers’ ability to understand phenomena of interest. For
public health researchers, the most useful perspective may be a pragmatic one. Not all
points of view are equally effective in reducing threats to health, so perhaps the utility
of any given perspective depends on its value to fulfilling the public health mission of
promoting health and preventing disease. This perspective is further discussed by
Angotti and Sze in Chapter Two.
To give an example, the HIV epidemic has evoked numerous analyses from both
constructivists and essentialists.24, 25
Most (but not all) researchers now agree that the
human immunodeficiency virus has been established as the proximate cause of HIV
12 Frameworks for Interdisciplinary Urban Health Research and Practice
infection beyond any reasonable doubt, and this analysis has led to the development of
antiretroviral treatments that have substantially reduced morbidity and mortality—but
not HIV incidence—around the world. However, the effectiveness of HIV prevention
campaigns depends almost wholly on the perceptions of their recipients, who con-
struct meaning for the messages based on their socioeconomic status, culture,
nationality, gender, sexual orientation, and so on. From this pragmatic perspective, the
essentialist framework has contributed a tool to treat the infection, and the constructiv-
ist approach yields insights for prevention and disease management. The more general
point is that only research teams that appreciate the differences between and respec-
tive value of each approach can make informed decisions about research and
intervention priorities. In Chapter Eleven, Jones and Liburd apply this insight to their
discussion of the cultural dimensions of diabetes.
METHODOLOGICAL CHALLENGES AND
APPROACHES TO INTERDISCIPLINARITY
A fifth theme is that interdisciplinary researchers need to become familiar with a wide
range of new and old methods for data collection and analysis. New methodological
technologies that have merged in the last decade or two are DNA sequencing, geo-
graphic information systems (GIS), network analysis, community-based participatory
research, multilevel and structural equation modeling, and software for textual analysis.
In some cases, these new technologies have enabled new interdisciplinary research
questions. For example, infectious disease researchers used polymerase chain reaction
methods to sequence the genotype of Mycobacterium tuberculosis in a cluster of
patients in New Jersey and then mapped cases using GIS. This analysis led to new
insights into the transmission of various strains of tuberculosis in urban neighborhoods
and suggested tuberculosis control strategies.26
Similarly, in Chapter Five, Maantay and
her colleagues map asthma cases identified by the health care system and levels of
environmental pollutants assessed by the city environmental agency to analyze the dis-
tribution of asthma hospitalizations.
Some observers have emphasized the high concept dimensions of interdisciplinary
research: integrating findings from different levels of analysis, synthesizing theories
from different disciplines, or framing new paradigms. We have been equally impressed
by the practical and operational questions of mastering new methods, learning new
languages, integrating databases collected by different agencies, and creating appro-
priate organizational structures to support interdisciplinary research.
INTERDISCIPLINARITY: WHICH DISCIPLINES WHEN?
For urban health researchers, interdisciplinary may include more players than two or
more academic disciplines, a sixth theme that recurs in this book. Among the other
participants in the cases described in the following chapters are other professions like
urban planning, law, architecture, and engineering; representatives of other sectors
Role Definitions in Interdisciplinary Research and Practice 13
such as education, housing, criminal justice, and transportation; social movements and
activists from environmental justice, women’s health, food justice, occupational safety
and health, and human rights; policymakers from local, state, national, and global gov-
ernance bodies; and residents of the communities most affected by health problems.
Each of these stakeholders has a role to play in conceptualizing, implementing, inter-
preting, and disseminating research studies.
Of course, not all interdisciplinary research includes all these players, but knowing
who to invite to the table, when to make the invitation, what to serve to bring and keep
guests at the table, and how to prevent food fights at the banquet are critical skills for
interdisciplinaryurbanhealthresearchers.Thegrowingbodyofliteratureoncommunity-
based participatory research27–29
can help researchers identify some of the tasks, but in
our view, this literature often underestimates the difficulties of this approach and pays
inadequate attention to the importance and methods of bringing in nonacademic partici-
pants from social movements to policymakers and businesses. In Chapter Two, Angotti
and Sze discuss some of the issues that arise when environmental justice activists inter-
act with researchers to apply research methods to policy questions.
ROLE DEFINITIONS IN INTERDISCIPLINARY
RESEARCH AND PRACTICE
Seventh, the chapters in this book suggest that strengthening the capacity for IR in
urban health will require redefining the roles of various participants in the research
enterprise. Both new and experienced researchers will need the ability to communicate
with researchers from other disciplines. They will need to have an appreciation of their
own discipline and its contributions but also an understanding of its limitations, espe-
cially in regard to the particular problem under investigation. No single researcher will
be able to master all the disciplines and methods needed to understand a particular
problem, but they will need to have a methodology for learning new content and also
for identifying the unique contributions of other disciplines and methods. In their
analysis of the “policy-induced breakdown” of health in African American communi-
ties in Chapter Six, Geronimus and Thompson show some of the benefits of integrating
biological, social science, public health, and historical perspectives but also the com-
plexity of synthesizing findings across levels and disciplines.
Students also will need to learn new skills. Researchers debate whether it is better
to introduce students to other disciplines and the value of IR before, during, or after
they have mastered their own discipline.30, 31
In our view, the more important question
is what are the IR competencies that students need and how can we best assure those
competencies are achieved by the end of training.
Universities, too, will need to take on new roles. Already, many institutions have
created new units to study urban health, and often, these units reflect an interdisciplin-
ary perspective. For example, the doctoral program in public health at the University of
California, Los Angeles, requires students to choose both a major and minor area
of concentration.32
And at City University of New York, we have created a variety of
14 Frameworks for Interdisciplinary Urban Health Research and Practice
pathways by which public health and social science graduate students interested in
urban health can study across disciplines.33
MULTIPLE LEVELS OF INTERVENTION
The eighth and final theme we highlight is the value of interdisciplinary approaches
to integrating and reconciling research and practice that aims to improve population
health and that seeks to promote social justice. Modern public health research
emerged in the nineteenth century as reformers and scientists, first in Europe then in
the United States and elsewhere, joined forces to document the adverse impact of
urban living conditions on the health of residents. They then acted to improve urban
conditions such as housing, water, nutrition, working conditions, and sanitation.34
In
the past century, however, public health research became increasingly divorced from
its roots in social justice and focused more on documenting individual-level risk
factors and studying the impact of various techniques for financing and delivering
medical care.
In this century, social movements such as the women’s movement, the labor move-
ment, the environmental movement, and more recently, movements for living wages
and food justice, more than health researchers, have followed the tradition of linking
health improvements with social justice. Several chapters in this volume describe the
contributions these social movements have made to improvements in urban health.
Interdisciplinary researchers can contribute to the reintegration of these two con-
cerns by studying the linkages among allocation of power, political and social
processes, and health outcomes. For example, researchers from several fields, includ-
ing psychology, biology, immunology, and public health, have documented a range of
adverse health effects associated with higher levels of social stress.35–38
At the same
time, social scientists have shown that social processes and conditions such as racism,
stigma, poverty, and unemployment produce high levels of stress at the individual and
population levels. One interpretation of these findings is to develop interventions to
help individuals better manage their response to stress;39
another is to identify changes
in social structures or conditions that could reduce levels of stress, as Geronimus and
Thompson describe in Chapter Six. Only researchers who can consider and understand
the range of evidence on these questions can compare the relative efficacy of these two
approaches.
Undoubtedly, cities in both the developed and developing world will continue to
grow throughout this century. What will this growth mean for the health of urban popu-
lations? Morbidity and mortality patterns suggest that the urban environment and the
complexity of factors that contribute to the growth of cities can have both a positive
and negative impact on health. Urban health researchers face a formidable challenge in
sorting out how the urban environment influences health and well-being. We hope this
volume will contribute to knowledge that can be translated into policies and practices
to improve the health of urban communities.
Notes 15
DISCUSSION QUESTIONS
1. Identify what you believe to be the most pressing urban health problems in the
United States and globally. What do you think are the characteristics of urban
health problems that warrant interdisciplinary approaches to research and
intervention?
2. What insights might be lost if these problems were addressed from within
a single discipline?
3. Pick an area of urban health that you think requires an interdisciplinary
approach and explain (a) why it requires an interdisciplinary approach,
(b) the criteria you would have for selecting the disciplines to engage,
and (c) the processes you would use to pull together a well-functioning
interdisciplinary team.
4. Using the example from question 3, what challenges would you face and what
you would do to overcome them?
NOTES
1. United Nations Population Division. World Urbanization Prospects: The 1999
Revision. New York: United Nations Population Division, 2002.
2. Gelbard,A.,Haub,C.,andKent,M.Worldpopulationbeyondsixbillion.Population
Bulletin, 54, no. 1 (1999): 3–40.
SUMMARY
In this chapter, we have examined the
unique contributions that interdisciplinary
approaches to research and practice can
make to improving population health in
cities. We have described the growing
interest of funders, researchers, and health
professionals in interdisciplinary pers-
pectives and identified common themes
that will emerge in the chapters that fol-
low. These themes include the importance
of considering the impact of different
levels of organization on health in order
to develop multilevel interventions, the
methodological and practical challenges
that confront interdisciplinary researchers,
the process of deciding which disciplines
to include in a specific research project,
and the importance of defining appropri-
ate roles for the various participants in
interdisciplinary urban health research.
Ultimately, the approaches to research and
practice described in this volume will help
health professionals strengthen the health-
promoting features of urban environments
and to mitigate those factors that damage
health.
16 Frameworks for Interdisciplinary Urban Health Research and Practice
3. United Nations Centre for Human Settlements, State of the World’s Cities, 2001.
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Notes 17
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18 Frameworks for Interdisciplinary Urban Health Research and Practice
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31. Hadorn, G. H., Hoffman-Reim, H., Biber-Klemm, S., Grossenbacher-Manusy,
W., Joye, D., Pohl, C., Weisman, U., and Zemp, E., eds., Handbook of Interdis-
ciplinary Research. New York: Springer, 2008.
32. UCLA. 2008–2009 Department of Community Health Sciences: Doctoral Program
Handbook. Available at http://www.ph.ucla.edu/chs/pdf/Doctoral_handbook.pdf.
Accessed on January 23, 2009.
33. Freudenberg, N., and Klitzman, S. Teaching urban health. In S. Galea and
D. Vlahov, eds., Handbook of Urban Health (pp. 521–538). New York: Springer
Verlag, 2005.
34. Rosen, G. A History of Public Health (expanded ed.). Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
University Press, 1993.
35. Gunnar, M., and Quevedo, K. The neurobiology of stress and development.
Annual Review of Psychology, 58 (2007): 145–173.
36. Sapolsky, R. M. The influence of social hierarchy on primate health. Science,
308, no. 5722 (2005): 648–652.
37. Steffen, P. R., Smith, T. B., Larson, M., and Butler, L. Acculturation to Western
society as a risk factor for high blood pressure: A meta-analytic review.
Psychosomatic Medicine, 68, no. 3 (2006): 386–397.
38. Stewart, J. A. The detrimental effects of allostasis: Allostatic load as a measure
of cumulative stress. Journal of Physiological Anthropology, 25, no. 1 (2006):
133–145.
39. Brondolo, E., Thompson, S., Brady, N., Appel, R., Cassells, A., Tobin, J. N., and
Sweeney, M. The relationship of racism to appraisals and coping in a community
sample. Ethnicity and Disease, 15, no. 4, Suppl 5 (2005): S5–14–9.
CHAPTER
2
ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE
PRAXIS: IMPLICATIONS
FOR INTERDISCIPLINARY
URBAN PUBLIC HEALTH
TOM ANGOTTI, JULIE SZE
LEARNING OBJECTIVES
■ Define environmental justice and explain its relevance to urban health.
■ Describe the roles that social movements and activists can play in studying and
reducing urban health problems.
■ Compare the perspectives of health professionals and community activists in
addressing urban health problems and analyze the strengths and weaknesses
of each.
■ Discuss the contributions the environmental justice movements bring to interdis-
ciplinary research on health.
20 Environmental Justice Praxis
As public health professionals and academics seek to work across disciplines and
sectors to solve complex public health problems, they often come into contact with two
potential allies: (a) community activists who share the same objectives and who are
unconcerned with disciplinary boundaries and (b) professionals from other fields who
are similarly driven to cross disciplinary boundaries to achieve their goals. In this chap-
ter, we tell the stories of professionals and activists who, without any training in public
health, organized in their communities to successfully change public policies that had
significant negative public health impacts in their own communities and far beyond.
These activists are part of the environmental justice movement which, since it emerged
in the 1980s, has addressed some of the most critical urban health crises that have dispa-
rate effects due to economic and racial inequalities, including high rates of asthma, obe-
sity, and cancer. The stories suggest that public health practitioners need to take note of
the field of environmental justice—both the social movements and the academic research
on environmental justice—as an important source of lessons about how to analyze con-
temporary urban public health problems and find solutions to them.
We tell these stories from the perspective of two academics who have ourselves
engaged with the environmental justice movements as practitioners and researchers.
Although neither of us was trained in public health (Angotti has an advanced degree in
urban planning, Sze in American studies), both of us became involved in urban public
health problems through engagement with environmental justice issues and found
ourselves crossing disciplines to address these issues. First, we were working in commu-
nities in which public health problems, as opposed to narrower concerns about environ-
mental quality or the built environment per se, were the major focus of organizing.
Second, although we were generally interested in the impact of the built environment on
politically disenfranchised populations, environmental justice organizing questioned in
a very dramatic way many public policies that partially shaped the built environment
and had serious impacts on public health. Third, we were concerned with the complex
relationship between academic institutions and local communities and the ways that
educators engage with social justice issues, and our experiences with environmental jus-
tice helped shed light on these interactions.
Our own work encompasses an approach to research that emphasizes engage-
ment in practical, problem-solving activity and shapes research in the pursuit of prac-
tical objectives through interaction with urban communities.1
Julie Sze’s early work
for several environmental justice community-based organizations helped her develop
an understanding of how environmental justice activism was linked to complex urban
health epidemics,2
work that she is continuing as director of the Environmental
Justice Project at the University of California at Davis. Tom Angotti’s work with
community-based planning in New York City shows how environmental justice
activists gravitated toward comprehensive community planning as a means to address
complex urban health problems while at the same time forestalling displacement
from neighborhoods in which economic and health conditions are improving.3
This
follows the tradition of advocacy planning,4
which emerged when urban planners
worked with low-income African American communities during the Civil Rights era
Environmental Justice Praxis 21
to forestall displacement and develop strategies for community development and
preservation, as we discuss later.
Although neither author was trained as a public health professional, we have learned
to appreciate the importance of interdisciplinary knowledge and practice to solve the
pressing urban public health problems in ways that go beyond traditional epidemiology
and traditional urban planning. We attempt to use with flexibility the tools of applied
social science research and exchange knowledge with community activists in a way that
can lead to concrete solutions and policy changes. Our own experiences and engagement
with other practitioners confirm that environmental justice can play a central role in the
development of new approaches that combine an understanding of holistic and multi-
level causation with complex multifaceted proposals for intervention.
In our own research and advocacy experience, we have identified what we call envi-
ronmental justice praxis—a practice based on a holistic worldview that integrates
environmental justice organizing, policy analysis, and research. Environmental justice
praxis also opens up new roads to interdisciplinary practice. Our contention is that the
environmental justice movement has been a major catalyst for holistic activism, research,
and policy, and it has drawn on knowledge from a variety of fields. In this essay, we
focus on the integration of urban planning and public health, but we do not doubt that
important lessons can be learned from the relationships with other professional disci-
plines. We believe, therefore, that contemporary environmental justice praxis can help to
reintegrate and reimagine the fields of public health and urban planning in bold and
innovative ways. These two disciplines were founded over a century ago in response to
urban epidemics, but over the years, they have divided for a variety of reasons.2, 5, 6
We draw on two case studies to illustrate what we mean by environmental justice
praxis and give examples of how it can inform the theory and practice of interdisci-
plinary public health. The first is from New York City where, in response to the
concentration of waste facilities in areas with high asthma rates, environmental justice
activists played a central role in the development of a comprehensive citywide solid
waste management plan informed by principles of community health and social justice.
The second case study is in the San Francisco Bay Area where an innovative commu-
nity-based organization, Asian Pacific Environmental Network (APEN), works to pro-
mote environmental justice, community development, and participatory democracy in
low-income Asian immigrant and Asian American communities. Despite the signifi-
cant differences between these cases—they revolve around distinct issues (waste and
housing policies), involve different cultural and racial groups (African American,
Latino, and Asian), and are on opposite sides of the country—in both cases, activists
used environmental justice as their analytic framework to understand community
health and environmental problems and to advocate for solutions through community
organizing. In both cases, we found that disparate health and environmental effects
triggered community organizing, but we also discovered that environmental justice
advocates consistently defined health as more than reducing disease rates. They devel-
oped their own plans and strategies that reimagined urban development and the built
environment and advanced public health policies in broad, holistic terms.
22 Environmental Justice Praxis
To present this argument, we first provide an overview of the environmental jus-
tice movement in U.S. cities and show the centrality of public health concerns in this
movement. Second, we show how the built environment can exacerbate urban public
health problems for racial minorities and how environmental justice organizing can
suggest urban planning remedies. One of the major advances of the environmental
justice movement has been its generation of strategies to reintegrate long-divided
areas of knowledge and practice, particularly urban planning and public health, and
reinject in these professions an explicitly social justice approach to health problems.
Lastly, one of the key lessons that we hope to impart to students seeking to do the hard
work of interdisciplinary, social justice oriented public health work is the importance
of understanding the relationship between social justice movements and the politics of
knowledge. By politics of knowledge, we mean how power relationships shape the
production and use of knowledge. This requires us to highlight rather than obscure
the occasionally fraught and contested relationships between communities and aca-
demic institutions.
ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE AND PUBLIC HEALTH
The U.S.-based environmental justice movement emerged in the 1980s as a result of a
confluence of events and reports about the inequitable burden of toxic facilities and
pollution on low-income communities and communities of color. This brought the
terms environmental racism and environmental justice into the public sphere and policy
discourse.7
In response to pressures from social movements—and informed by aca-
demic research—government agencies also incorporated environmental justice as a
basis for public policy at the federal, state, regional, and local levels. A landmark study
in 1987 showed how toxic sites across the country were disproportionately located in
and near communities of color.8
In 1991, the first National People of Color Conference
on Environmental Justice brought together groups from throughout the nation who
were struggling with industries, utilities, and waste facilities that contaminated their
communities and were suspected causes of major health problems such as cancer,
asthma, and respiratory disease. One outcome of this gathering was the principles of
environmental justice.9
The environmental justice movement challenges public policies
responsible for the disproportionate burden of pollution borne by people and commu-
nities of color, asserting that this is in fact a manifestation of racism.
The environmental justice movement broadly redefined the environment as the
places where people of color live, work, play, pray, and learn, and not just phenomena
measured by individual pollution indicators or exposure levels. The movement sought
to show how environmental health risks are not uniform across social groups or geo-
graphically; for example, racial minority children, youth, and families in the United
States disproportionately face risks associated with airborne pollution and exposure to
lead paint. At the same time, the communities where they live and go to school have
unequal access to environmental amenities such as parks and playgrounds. Thus, poor
health and inadequate access to a healthy living environment are key features of the
landscape of urban inequality, comparable to poor education, housing, income, and
social mobility. In response to these conditions, communities of color have used the
framework and language of the environmental justice movement and its focus on
disproportionate pollution exposure to combat urban health problems in cities like
San Diego, Boston, Detroit, Los Angeles, and New Orleans—in addition to our cases
in Oakland and New York City.
Although environmental concerns are not always linked in theory or practice with
public health issues, the environmental justice movement from the start established a
strong link between environmental health and the built environment that led them to
the public health and urban planning disciplines. In tackling complex urban environ-
mental health problems, community-based activists gravitate toward engagement with
the fields of public health and planning and many other specialized disciplines. Many
activists learn how to “become” planners and health practitioners when they engage
with highly specialized knowledge and practices, whether or not they are formally
educated as such at any time in their careers.
Environmental justice practice that is broadly focused on community well-being as
well as removing negative health impacts offers many opportunities for interdisciplin-
ary professional and academic work. The intrinsically complex nature and unique
characteristics of the problems activists face in large urban environments lead them to
seek broad analyses and solutions. Because they have no particular stake in maintain-
ing disciplinary boundaries, environmental justice activists are often natural partners
for interdisciplinary researchers and professionals. Interdisciplinary and holistic
approaches may help deal with complex, local problems where solutions are resistant
to conventional discipline-based approaches. This is clearly one reason that many
public health and urban planning practitioners have been naturally drawn to such
approaches. Through our case studies, we show how environmental justice practitio-
ners use technical knowledge that spans urban planning, public health, and other
disciplines, and which incorporates professional expertise to achieve broad goals of
social and environmental justice. We discuss the opportunities and barriers encoun-
tered by environmental justice advocates to illuminate these dynamics as the search for
improved urban health continues in the twenty-first century.
THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT, URBAN PLANNING,
AND URBAN PUBLIC HEALTH
Public health and urban planning arose in the early part of the twentieth century as
related interdisciplinary fields that focused on urban public health problems and the
conditions that caused them. As the nineteenth-century urban epidemics that gave rise
to these professions subsided, the professions became more specialized and tended to
work in separate local government administrative departments. The divergence bet-
ween city planning and public health widened during the Progressive era in the early
twentieth century due to a number of complex factors.10
At the same time, the passion
for social justice that had inspired the creation of these movements began to wane.11
Built Environment, Urban Planning, and Public Health 23
24 Environmental Justice Praxis
The academic departments created at universities to train practitioners in these fields
also expanded, developed specializations, and tended to reinforce divisions among the
professions. As the presence of the professions in local governments grew, they devel-
oped complex regulatory systems and administrative institutions staffed by specialized
professionals. In the long run, these have not been well equipped to engage complex,
multifaceted health issues with multiple causes and enact policy changes to improve
urban public health. This has been particularly noticeable in large, complex urban
areas with significant social and health disparities.
All applied professions are subject to a tendency toward narrow determinism
focused on quantifiable variables that are easily understood and interventions that pro-
duce immediate, local, quantifiable, and visible results that nevertheless fail to affect
larger systemic problems. Within the field of urban planning in the United States,
which was initially close to engineering and architecture, criticisms have long been
raised against a prevailing tendency toward physical determinism. This refers to a ten-
dency to propose changes to the built environment as solutions to social and political
problems that require more comprehensive policy changes. Advocacy planners have
criticized the efforts of some social reformers to address urban poverty by using “slum
clearance” and urban renewal plans that displace poor people without necessarily
attacking the conditions that result in poverty and social exclusion. Urban planning
practice has come under fire for a narrow focus on solving problems of transportation
mobility and access by simply building more highways or mass transit, dealing with
inadequate recreational opportunities by simply building more parks, and fixing urban
housing problems by simply building more housing for people with limited incomes.
Jacobs12
and Davidoff4
have written the classic critiques of physical determinism in
planning.
Urban planners commonly utilize the comprehensive master plan and zoning as
tools to shape the physical environment. Although many master plans incorporate dis-
cussions of social equity and environmental health, for the most part they are focused
narrowly on the physical environment and often serve only as advisory documents that
are not implemented. They are most often prepared for municipal governments in
metropolitan regions that are fragmented into many small municipalities. This frag-
mentation makes it difficult for municipal planning to address larger urban issues,
including social, economic, and public health issues that affect entire metropolitan
regions. Social and economic inequalities between municipalities are often significant.
While regional planning could reduce fragmentation and inequalities, three-fourths of
the nation’s urban population live in large metropolitan regions with no comprehensive
regional planning. As a result, market forces play a substantial role in land-use devel-
opment, and the options of planning at the municipal level are limited. Zoning is urban
planning’s main regulatory tool that governs where and what kind of new development
can occur. But while zoning originally separated land uses such as industry and hous-
ing to improve public health, it has come to be used as a mechanism for reinforcing
social and racial separation.13
Since the 1980s, concurrent with the emergence of the environmental movements,
urban planning began to branch into areas once exclusively occupied by public health
and other professional disciplines. At a global level, the 1987 United Nations Confer-
ence on the Environment put forth the concept of sustainability—generally defined as
addressing current needs without compromising the needs of future generations—
which challenged all professions to engage in holistic analysis that moves beyond
individual and easily defined measures. Planning for sustainability is a rapidly growing
practice that includes environmental and public health concerns.14, 15
In response to
criticisms that urban planners contributed to the predominant pattern of suburban
sprawl and the consequent problems of air pollution and auto dependence, energy
waste, and the disappearance of farmland at urban peripheries, urban planners began to
advocate for land-use policies that concentrated new development in already-developed
areas. This “smart growth”16
became a trademark of theAmerican PlanningAssociation.
A group of architects and planners known as The New Urbanists emerged in recent
decades and called for healthy, walkable communities and transit-oriented develop-
ment that would reduce dependence on the private automobile and create healthier,
more active cities.17
To some extent, this has fed the growing intensity of real estate
development in metropolitan regions, but it also spurred a renewal of interest in the
public health consequences of urban growth, particularly the rise in the epidemics of
asthma, obesity, and diabetes.
Often citing public health concerns, some urban planners have become advocates
for better pedestrian, bicycle, and mass transit infrastructure.18, 19
Others have begun to
address problems of access to healthy food.20–22
And in a link with the advocacy
planningandthecivilrightsmovementsofthe1960s,manyhavefocusedoncommunity-
based planning as a tool for addressing the disparate impact of urban epidemics in a
comprehensive, holistic fashion.3
Still, the tendency toward physical determinism
remains powerful. For example, researchers are now calling into question facile claims
that building some new parks and bikeways will automatically induce greater physical
activity and thus address epidemics such as obesity. In the area of housing, city plan-
ners have rejected the older myths that large-scale government-subsidized housing
complexes would necessarily improve the lives of poor people, but many planners
have also embraced the new myth that smaller scale, mixed-income housing would
necessarily be better.23
As a result, urban planners continue to give a lower priority to
the preservation of housing in low-income communities and policies like rent control
that help stabilize the lives of families and communities.
Because public health practitioners are increasingly looking at ways in which pol-
icies affecting the built environment can foster public health, it appears that there is
now a greater appreciation in both professions for the historical roots that bound public
health and planning together as interdisciplinary and related fields, both deeply
concerned with social justice. This accompanies a growing understanding that they
need to be brought together again to resolve today’s new and complex urban issues.
Environmental justice praxis can help foster this trend. It is not simply a matter of
Built Environment, Urban Planning, and Public Health 25
Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents
[11] An anecdote is recorded of the gallant knight which strongly illustrates not
only his peculiar habit, but the character of the turbulent time in which he lived. In this
Library he was one day deep in study, when a soldier, who had captured a moss-
trooper, suddenly entered with the news, disturbing his master with the unwelcome
question of what was to be done with the fellow? “Hang him, in the devil’s name,”
exclaimed the irritated lord, and turned to his books. The order was construed literally;
and forthwith the unhappy prisoner was dangling from a tree; which Lord William, to
his exceeding dismay, learned, when a few hours afterwards he ordered the culprit to
be brought before him for examination.
[12] The Avenells, it would appear, about this time owned considerable property in
the north, the benefits of which they seem to have dispensed with no niggard hand, as
we find from the following notices in Dugdale’s “Monasticon,” vol. i. p. 839. “The
manor of Oneash (the Aneise of Domesday) was given to Roche Abbey, Yorkshire, by
William Avenell, Lord of Haddon.” “Conksbury, near Over Haddon, was given to the
abbey of Leicester, by William Avenell.”
[13] Monuments of the Vernons and Manners in Bakewell Church:—
“Sir John Vernon, Knt. (son and heir of Henry), 1477; Sir Geo. Vernon, of Haddon,
d. 1561, and his two wives, Margaret, daughʳ of Sir Gilbert Talbois, and Maud, daughtʳ
of Sir Ralph Longford; Sir John Manners (second son of Thomas earl of Rutland), who
died in 1611, and his wife (Dorothy, daughter and coheir of Sir Geo. Vernon), who
died in 1584. John Manners (third son of Sir John), who died in 1590. And Sir Geo.
Manners, who died in 1623; he married Grace, daughter of Sir Henry Pierrepont.”
Arms of Manners, duke of Rutland:—Or, two bars azure; a chief quarterly of the
second and gules, the first and fourth charged with two fleurs-de-lis of the first, and
third with a lion passant-guardant of the same, being an augmentation given to the
family, in consequence of their descent from King Edward IV.
Crest:—On a chapeau, gules, turned up erm., a peacock in pride, proper.
Supporters:—Two unicorns, arg., thin horns, manes, tufts, and hoofs, or.
[14] The subjoined particulars respecting one of these open-house occasions, in
1663, are curious and interesting. They are extracted from the bailiff’s accounts of the
time of John, eighth earl, who died here in 1679:—
£. s. d.
“Paid George Wood, the cook, for helping in the pastry all Christmas 3 0 0
Paid Robert Swindell, for helping at the like work all Christmas, and two
weeks
1 5 0
Paid William Green, the cook, for helping in the kitchen all Christmas 1 0 0
Paid Antony Higton, turnspit, for helping all Christmas 0 3 0
Paid W. Creswick, for pulling fowls and poultry all Christmas 0 3 6
Paid Catherine Sprig, for helping the scullery-maid all Christmas 0 3 0
Paid Thomas Shaw, the piper, for piping all Christmas 2 0 0
Given by my honourable Lord and Lady’s command to Thomas Shaw’s man 0 10 0
Given by their honours’ commands to Richard Blackwell, the dancer 0 10 0
Given by their honours’ commands to Ottiwell Bramwell, the dancer 0 10 0
Given by their honours’ commands to Ottiwell Bramwell’s kinswoman, for
dancing
0 5 0
About this time, from 1660 to 1670, although the family resided chiefly at Belvoir,
there were generally killed and consumed every year, at Haddon, between 30 and 40
beeves, between 400 and 500 sheep, and 8 or 10 swine.”
[15] A romantic tradition is still current in the vicinity of Haddon, relative to the
courtship and marriage of Mr. Manners (afterwards Sir John) with the younger co-
heiress of Vernon. The tradition purports that the lover (who was, perhaps, thirty years
of age) having conceived an attachment for Miss Vernon, a beautiful girl of eighteen,
dwelt for some time in the woods of Haddon as an outlaw, or, rather, in the dress of a
gamekeeper (probably with the popular reputation of being an outlawed man), for the
purpose of concealment, and in order to facilitate secret interviews with his mistress;
and that he at length succeeded in persuading the young lady to elope with him during
the festivities of a masked ball, given by Sir G. Vernon in honour of the marriage of
his eldest daughter, Margaret, with Sir Thomas Stanley, a younger son of the Earl of
Derby.
[16] According to Walpole, “Anecdotes of Painting,” there is a tradition in the
family of Cavendish, that a fortune-teller had told this imperious lady that “she should
not die while she was building: accordingly, she bestowed a great deal of the wealth
she had obtained from three of her four husbands in erecting large seats at Hardwicke,
Chatsworth, Bolsover and Oldcote, and, I think, at Worksop; and died in a hard frost,
when the workmen could not labour.”
[17] Hardwicke was built subsequently to the death of Mary; but there is little
doubt that the room called “The Queen’s Room,” in memory of the unhappy lady, was
furnished with the bed and other furniture removed thither from Chatsworth, where
she was for some time a prisoner. Probably the hangings said to have been wrought by
her were actually the work of her hands; needlework was unquestionably one of the
modes by which she sought to solace her dismal confinement. Mr. White, writing to
Sir William Cecil, describes an interview he had with her at Tutbury Castle, in 1568:
“She sayd that all day she wrought with her nydill and that the diversity of the colours
made her work seem less tedious, and contynued so long at it, till very payne made her
to give over.”
[18] The curious in such matters may find further information on this head in the
“Churchman’s Magazine” of 1801; and in the tenth volume of Bowles’ edition of
Pope’s Works, 1806.
[19] Lord Braybrooke’s “History of Audley End;” to which copious volume we are
principally indebted for our notices of the history of the house and its occupants.
[20] Evelyn records, in his “Diary,” his visit thus:—“From Cambridge, on August
31, 1654, we went to Audley End, and spent some time in seeing that goodly palace,
built by Howard, Earl of Suffolk, once Lord Treasurer. It is a mixt fabric, ’twixt
ancient and modern, but observable for its being completely finished; and it is one of
the stateliest palaces of the kingdom. It consists of two courts, the first very large,
winged with cloisters. The front hath a double entrance; the hall is faire, but somewhat
too small for so august a pile; the kitchen is very large, as are the cellars, arched with
stone, very neate, and well disposed. These offices are joyned by a wing out of the way
very handsomely. The gallery is the most cheerful, and, I think, one of the best in
England; a faire dining-roome, and the rest of the lodgings answearable, with a pretty
chapel. The gardens are not in order, though well inclosed; it has also a bowling alley,
and a nobly walled, wooded, and watered park. The river glides before the palace, to
which is an avenue of lime-trees, but all this is much diminished by its being placed in
an obscure bottom. For the rest it is a perfectly uniform structure, and shews without
like a diadem, by the decoration of the cupolas and other ornaments on the pavilions.
Instead of railings and balusters, there is a bordure of capital letters, as was lately, also,
in Suffolke house.”
[21] It has recently been pulled down.
[22] Lord Braybrooke’s “History of Audley End.”
[23] The story of St. Osyth, as given in an old tract, entitled “Purgatory Proved by
Miracles,” is printed by Wright in his History of Essex:—“St. Ositha was daughter of a
Mercian prince named Frithwald, and of Wilterburga, daughter of Pende, king of the
Mercians. She was bred up in great piety; and through her parents’ authority, became
wife to Sighere, companion to St. Seb, in the kingdom of East Angles. But preferring
the love of a heavenly bridegroom before the embraces of a king, her husband
complied with her devotion; and, moreover, not only permitted her to consecrate
herself to our Lord, but bestowed on her a village, situated near the sea, called Chic,
where, building a monastery, she enclosed herself, and after she had spent some time
in the service of God, it happened that a troop of Danish pirates landed there; who,
going out of their ships, wasted and burned the country thereabout, using all manner of
cruelty to the Christian inhabitants. Then he who was the captain of that impious band,
having learnt the condition and religious life of the blessed virgin St. Ositha, began by
entreaties and presents to tempt her to idolatry; adding withal threats of scourging, and
other torments, if she refused to adore the gods he worshipped. But the holy virgin,
despising his flatteries, and not fearing his threats, made small account of the torments
attending her. Whereupon the said captain, enraged at her constancy and scorn of his
idols, pronounced sentence of death against her, commanding her to lay down her head
to be cut off. And in the same place where the virgin suffered martyrdom, a clear
fountain broke forth, which cured several kinds of diseases. As soon as her head was
off, the body presently rose up, and taking up the head in the hands, by the conduct of
angels, walked firmly the straight way to the church of the apostles St. Peter and St.
Paul, about a quarter of a mile distant from the place of her suffering. And when it was
come there, it knocked at the door with the bloody hands, as desiring it might be
opened, and thereon left marks of blood. Having done this, it fell there down to the
ground.”
[24] It appears that in the time of the Confessor a “De Berkeley” possessed the
adjoining manor and castle of Dursley; and his descendant might probably have joined
the Conqueror on, or immediately after, his invasion, and thus retain the possessions
until the domain was, during the wars between Maud and Stephen, consigned to
Henry, afterwards Henry II. The gift to Robert Fitzhardinge is clear, and, occurring on
the very year of his accession to the throne, was doubtless intended by the monarch to
mark that event.
[25] The king had previously been treated with exceeding cruelty. It is said that on
his way to Berkeley his conductors, for greater concealment of their captive, caused
him to dismount from his horse and a barber to shave his head and beard with cold
water from a ditch, telling him that “for once cold water must serve his purpose.”
Covering his face with his hands, the unhappy monarch wept, saying, “Woulde they or
noulde they, he woulde have warm water for his beard!” and to the end that he might
keep his promise, he began to shed tears plentifully. This incident is related by Stowe
on the authority of Thomas de Mori, “a worshipfull knight that then lived, and wrote in
the French tongue, what he sawe with his eies or heard credily reported by them that
sawe and some that were actors.” Lord Berkeley was allowed 5l. per diem for the
monarch’s expenses during his imprisonment, and acquitted of all participation in the
murder; Gournay was subsequently arrested at Marseilles and beheaded on shipboard,
“it was supposed,” according to Hume, “because some nobles and prelates in England
were anxious to prevent any discovery he might make of his accomplices.” Maltravers,
many years afterwards, sued for mercy and obtained it. The greatest culprit seems to
have escaped: Adam bishop of Hereford lent himself to the schemes of Mortimer and
the queen, and wrote as follows to the knights who had the king in custody,
“Edvardum occidere nolite timere bonum est,” purposely omitting the punctuations, so
that the passage was capable of a double meaning, advising either to slay or spare the
royal prisoner, and supplying a safe exit for the writer out of any difficulty that might
subsequently arise.
[26] The following notes are extracted from Smith’s “Lives of the Lord Berkeleys,”
edited by Fosbrooke:—
“The accompt of William Aside, receiver to the Lord Berkeley, accomptinge for a
year from Mmass. anno 20 of Edward II. to the same feast in the first of Edward III.,
sheweth that he received to this lord’s use 700l. de camera scaccarii domini regis, out
of the receipt in the king’s exchequer, for the expences of the house of the king’s father
whilest he was at Berkeley; and hath in his said accompt an allowance of 31s. 1d. paid
by him to Sir Thomas de Gournay, sent to Nottingham from Berkeley by the said Lord
Berkeley to advertize the queene and the king her sonne of the death of the late king
his father there. And 15th May the same year an allowance of 500l. more from the
kynge, paid him by John de Langton, keeper of the castle of Kerfilly, for the same
cause.
“The accompts of the reeves (stewards) of Hame and Alkington, and of other
manors of this lord’s, near Berkeley Castle, expressly shewe what provisions and
acates they sent from their severall granges and manor-houses from the 5th day of
Aprill, then being Palm Sunday, when at supper time the kinge was first brought
prisoner to Berkeley Castle, untill his death there the 21st September following.
“And the accompt of this said lord’s receiver for the yeare following, in 2d Edward
III., sheweth what he payd for dyinge of the white canvas into black, for coveringe of
the chariot wherein the bodye of the king was carryed from Berkeley Castle to
Gloucester; what the cords, the hors-collers, the traces, and other necessaries
particularly cost, used about the said chariot and conveyinge of his body thence to
Gloucester; for a silver vessell to put the king’s hart in 37s. 8d. (in uno vase argentes
pro corde dicti Domini Regis patres reponend); in oblations at several times in the
chapple of the Castle for the kinges soul, 21d.; in expenses of the Lord Berkeley’s
family going with the kinges body from Berkeley unto Gloucester, 18s. 9d.; and many
like particularities.”
[27] About this period the records of the Castle testify that “from the manors of
Ham and Cowley the following provisions were sent to the clerk of the kitchen for one
year:—17,000 eggs, 1008 pigeons, 91 capons, 192 hens, 288 ducks, 388 chickens, 80
hogs, 110 porkers, 84 pigs, 45 calves, 315 quarters of wheat.”
[28] In 1334 the retinue of the then Lord of Berkeley usually consisted of twelve
knights, each with two servants and a page; twenty-four squires, each with one man
and a page—making a total of 108 persons.
£ s. d.
His expenditure for one year was 1309 14 6
He saved 1155 18 8
2465 13 2
A large sum for yearly income in those days.
His armour cost 11 8 11
A hawk 0 15 0
A falcon 1 15 0
[29] “The governor, Sir Charles Lucas, with three horses and arms, and 50l. in
money. Each field-officer, two horses; foot-captains, one horse; lieutenant and ensigns,
sword but no horse; field-officers and captains not to exceed 5l., soldiers not 5s. 16th
October, Colonel Barnes, on petition, nominated governor by the House of
Commons.”
[30] In reference to this apartment Horace Walpole, in a letter to the Rev. William
Cole, dated 15th August, 1774, says:—“The room shewn for the murder of Edward II.
and the shrieks of an agonising king, I verily believe to be genuine. It is a dismal
chamber, almost at the top of the house, quite detached, and to be approached only by
a kind of footbridge, and from that descends a large flight of steps, that terminate on
strong gates—exactly a corps-de-garde.”
[31] “Hatfield, called Haethfeld, in the Saxon times, from its situation on a heath,
was an ancient demesne of the Saxon kings, till it was granted by Edgar, in the tenth
century, to the abbey at Ely, in Cambridgeshire. On the conversion of that foundation
into a bishopric, in the reign of Henry I., it became attached to the new see; and the
manor-house becoming a palace of the bishops, the town was thenceforth
distinguished by the appellation of Bishops’ Hatfield. Queen Elizabeth, who had
resided in the bishop’s palace some years before she came to the crown, greatly
admired the situation; and by virtue of the statute which gave her the power of
exchange, procured the alienation of this manor from the then bishop of Ely, Richard
Cox. James I., in the third year of his reign, exchanged it for the house, manor, and
park of Theobald’s, with his minister, Robert Cecil, earl of Salisbury, whose
descendant, the Marquis of Salisbury, is the present owner.”
Notwithstanding Elizabeth’s regard for Hatfield, we cannot learn that she often
resided here after her accession to the throne.
[32] The lowest fortune of any gentleman in that noble corps is stated, by one of its
members, to have been no less than 4000l. a-year in land; equal, probably, to 20,000l.
a-year at the present time.
[33] Of this house—the house in which Oliver Cromwell was born—only the site
remains; a modern mansion having been erected upon it, about thirty years ago, by a
Mr. Rust, a banker of the town—upon whose memory let the anathema rest. A wall of
a cellar, which formed part of the ancient dwelling, now alone exists. The chamber in
which the Protector “first drew breath” was a sight to which visitors ran eagerly; and
this, it would seem, so worried the soul of the rich banker, that he commanded its
removal, and with it as far as possible every trace of a house to which tens of
thousands would desire to make a pilgrimage. Mr. Rust obtained the house—and the
site, to which it would seem he attached some value—so recently as the year 1810.
Until then it was in the possession of a Mr. Audley, a draper, who used to show the
room in which the Protector was born, “and sportively desire it might be noticed that
the devil was behind the door,” alluding to a figure of Satan upon some old tapestry
with which the walls were hung. The ancient fabric was built of stone, with gothic
windows and projecting attics. The present dwelling is as ugly an example of modern
building as could well be seen.
[34] That Sir Oliver impaired his paternal estates by entertaining James I. is very
certain. It is probable that the king was a frequent visitor to the hospitable knight,
inasmuch as Royston, his Majesty’s hunting seat, was in the neighbourhood. The
king’s first visit, in 1603, on his progress to take possession of the English throne, was
a costly one. “His Highnesse and his followers,” according to Stow, “with all comers,
had such entertainment as was not the like in any place before; there was such plentie
and varietis of meates and diversitie of wines, and the sellars open at any man’s
pleasure.” It is stated, indeed, that Sir Oliver’s entertainment was “a greater feast than
had ever been given to a king by a subject”—a fact to which his Majesty himself
testified; for on parting from the brave old knight, he is reported to have addressed
him, “Merry mon, thou hast treated me better than ony ane syn I left Edinbro.”
[35] The present master of the school is the Rev. Mr. Fell, an accomplished scholar,
and an enlightened gentleman, by whom we were guided about the various objects of
interest in and around the venerable Town, and whose courtesies and attentions it is
our pleasant duty to acknowledge.
[36] Upon a similar occasion, it is related that he paid a visit to his godfather-uncle
at Ramsay; the sturdy old Royalist was firm to the monarchy; and although his nephew
treated him with so much respect as to decline wearing his hat in his presence, he
seized all his plate for the public service, and afterwards compelled him to give forty
saddle-horses, “by way of fine.” Subsequently, however, when the whole estates of Sir
Oliver were sequestrated by the Parliament, the remnant was restored to him by the
intervention of Oliver—“for whose sake the sequestration was taken off.”
Notwithstanding, the aged knight died in extreme poverty, in 1655, at the age of 93,
and, it is said, was buried by night, “to prevent the seizure of his body by his
creditors.”
[37] Over the entrance porch of the church at Godmanchester is a fine example of
that ancient religious emblem, the “lily-pot,” in which is placed the miraculous rod of
Joseph; in allusion to the old Roman Catholic legend of his marriage with the Virgin.
According to this miraculous tale, the Virgin, who had spent her life in the service of
the Temple, was to be married to that man of the race of David who, upon coming to
the Temple bearing in his hand a rod, should be divinely pointed out as her future
husband, by the miraculous flowering of the dry stick he carried, when offered at the
altar to the High Priest. Joseph’s rod put forth buds and flowers immediately it was
offered, and this miracle was a favourite subject with the early Catholic painters.
Raffaelle has left us a picture of this event, and Joseph is frequently represented by
other artists holding the rod with its flowers in his hand. The lily-rod is also often
placed in a pot in the windows of in-door “Holy Family” scenes, similar to that which
is placed upon the apex of the door at Godmanchester, as delineated in our initial
letter; and which is a curious and unusually perfect example.
[38] On each side of the gate, upon projecting pillars, stand statues of wild men, the
size of life. Each holds a tree uprooted; they are represented as covered with shaggy
hair, wearing long beards and mustachios, with no article of dress but a girdle round
the waist. These “Wodehouses,” or “Green Men,” for they were known by both names
in the olden time, were favourite characters with our ancestors—as well in this
country, as on the Continent. Froissart relates a melancholy story of a masque of wild
men, among whom was King Charles VI. of France, which was performed at a
marriage in 1392, when four of the noble masquers were burnt to death, owing to the
curiosity of the King’s brother, who approached too near them with a lighted torch,
which set fire to their dresses, that were made of cloth, and covered with pitch, upon
which flax was fastened, to imitate shaggy hair. They were very commonly displayed
in court masques and public processions in England. When King Henry VIII. kept his
Christmas at Greenwich in the fifth year of his reign, “a mount,” upon which sat the
King and five others, was drawn into the great Hall by “five wodehouses,” dressed in
skins, or rugs resembling skins, so as to appear like savages. When Queen Elizabeth
visited Kenilworth Castle, she was addressed by the pert Gascoigne habited like a
savage, covered with ivy, holding in one of his hands an oaken plant torn up by the
roots. They were frequently used to clear the way in processions, when the clubs were
filled with fireworks. When Anne Bullen was conveyed upon the water from
Greenwich to London in 1533, “there went before the Lord Mayor’s barge,” says Hall,
“a foyste (a barge or pinnace propelled by rowers) full of ordnance, in which foyste
was a great red dragon, continually moving, and casting forth wildfire; and round
about the said foyste stood terrible monsters and wilde men, casting of fire and making
a hideous noise.” They were usually employed in land processions, and the danger of
too near an approach to them is alluded to by one of the characters in Wilson’s play,
called “The Cobler’s Prophesy,” 1594, who exclaims, “Comes there a pageant by? I’ll
stand out of the green man’s way, for fear of burning my vestment.” They were
constant precursors of the annual pageants exhibited on Lord Mayor’s Day in London;
in the Mayoralty procession of 1681, a body of twenty preceded the principal device.
As a part of ancient public state and magnificence, the wild men of Hinchinbrook are
most appropriately placed to watch and ward the principal gate.
[39] The prospect has been essentially abridged by the growth of surrounding trees.
It is described by Evelyn as “a prospect, doubtless, for city, river, ships, meadows, hill,
woods, and all other amenities, one of the most noble in the world.”
[40] Sir Henry Newton, who took the name of Puckering, on succeeding to the
estates of his maternal uncle, espoused the royal cause, and was at the battle of Edge-
hill. On the Restoration he was appointed Paymaster-general of the Forces. “His good
housekeeping and liberality to the poor, who scarcely ever went away unfed from his
gates, gained him the general love and esteem of his neighbours, and he was
distinguished throughout the kingdom for being a generous benefactor to the poor
cavaliers whose services were not rewarded by King Charles the Second.” Jane, the
only daughter of Sir Henry, was attacked in Greenwich Park, on the 26th of
September, 1649, by a party of men, who conveyed her to Erith, and put her on board a
vessel there, the object being to compel her to marry a man named Joseph Welsh, by
whom she was kept confined in a nunnery in Flanders, until she was induced, “through
fear and despairing of ever being restored to her friends,” to marry him. On procuring
her liberty, however, she instituted criminal proceedings against Welsh and his
accomplices, and the marriage was declared void. They were indicted at Maidstone in
1651, and their guilt was proved, but it does not appear that they were in custody. She
afterwards married Sir John Bale, of Carleton-Curlieu.
[41] Sir William Ducie was the son of Sir Robert Ducie, who “accumulated
immense wealth in trade. He was banker to King Charles the First, and
notwithstanding losing £80,000 by his Majesty, died, it is said, worth more than
£400,000.”—Burke’s Extinct and Dormant Baronetcies.
[42] An anecdote of the Prince and his tutor is thus recorded. The Prince was here
playing at the ancient English game of golf, when lifting up his golf-club to strike the
ball, one standing by said to him, “Beware that you hit not Master Newton;”
whereupon he, drawing back his hand, said, “Had I done so, I had but paid my debts.”
[43] Sir Adam Newton was a native of Scotland, advanced to the Deanery of
Durham in 1606, which dignity, though not in orders, he held till 1620, when he
resigned it, “being, in April of that year, created a Baronet.” His appointment as tutor
to Prince Henry commenced in 1599 or 1600. “He was,” according to Dr. Birch, (Life
of Henry Prince of Wales,) “thoroughly qualified for the office assigned him, both by
his genius and his skill in the learned and other languages; and was distinguished by
the neatness and perspicuity of his Latin style, shewn by his translation of King
James’s Discourse against Conrade Vorstius.” In 1610 Mr. Adam Newton was
appointed Secretary to the Prince when his Royal Highness “settled his household.”
The Prince, to the universal grief of the nation, died in 1612. All contemporary
historians unite in his praise. The anecdote so often told of him is a key to his
admirable character. When urged to be wrathful with a butcher whose dog had killed a
stag he was chasing, and so spoiled his sport—“Away,” said he, “all the pleasure in the
world is not worth an oath.” “He was gentle and affable; but, however, in his carriage
had a noble stateliness, without affectation, which commanded esteem and respect. He
was courteous, loving and affable; naturally modest and even shame-faced; most
patient, which he shewed both in life and death; slow to anger; merciful to offenders,
after a little punishment to make them sensible of their faults: in brief, a character that
approaches nearer to perfection, is not to be found in history.” His death was mourned
by “all the muses;” funeral dirges to his memory were written by Donne, Webster,
Chapman, Brown, Drummond of Hawthornden, and a score of other poets.
[44] Evelyn makes frequent mention of the venerable mansion, in connection with
his “excellent friend,” Sir Henry Newton, the son and successor of Sir Adam. At that
time the property belonged to Sir William Ducie.
[45] There are several wild traditions—and some of them not very delicate—
concerning its origin. It is said to have been the result of an intrigue of King John with
the wife of a miller: but the more probable origin is, that it was symbolic of the Ox of
St. Luke, by which he is usually distinguished in ancient paintings, and to this Saint
the Church of Charlton is dedicated. The Fair is now held on St. Luke’s day, the 18th
of October, and the minister had a bequest of twenty shillings for preaching a sermon
there. It was formerly kept upon a green opposite the Church, and facing the Mansion.
At this fair were sold various articles formed of horn, such as drinking cups, &c., and
horns gilded were sold and worn by the frequenters; during the reign of Charles the
Second, it was a carnival of the most unrestrained kind, and persons used to start from
London in boats, disguised as kings, queens, millers, &c., with horns on their heads,
and men dressed as females, who formed in procession and marched round the church
and fair. In the time of Brand, he tells us that the folks assembled consisted “of a
riotous mob, who, after a printed summons dispersed through the adjacent towns, meet
near Deptford, and march from thence in procession through that town and Greenwich
to Charlton, with horns of different kinds upon their heads; and at the fair there are
sold rams’ horns and every sort of toy made of horn, even the ginger-bread figures
have horns.” In “Pasquil’s Night-cap, or Antidote for the Head-ache,” 1612, a poem by
Nicholas Breton, a long and curious history of the annual meeting for the inauguration
of these horns is given, as it used to be held in great pomp and with an immense
concourse of people, all of whom
“In comely sort their foreheads did adorne,
With goodly coronets of hardy horne;”
but he ends by telling us that—
“Long time this solemne custome was observ’d,
And Kentish-men with others met to feast;
But latter times are from old fashions swerv’d
And grown repugnant to this good behest.
For now ungratefull men these meetings scorn
And thanklesse prove to Fortune and the horn,
For onely now is kept a poor goose fair,
Where none but meaner people doe repair.”
[46] Craggs was much implicated in the “South Sea Bubble.” He resided in a house
on the property of Sir T. M. Wilson—since the residence of Mrs. Fitz-Herbert—
afterwards of Queen Caroline, when Princess of Wales—afterwards of Alderman
Atkins, and recently of Gen. Sir Thomas Hislop, Bart., who died there.
[47] The Hall is opened to the public generally, only on Friday (between the hours
of eleven and four) the day on which Hampton Court is closed. Visitors are admissible
by cards, which must be obtained previously from Mr. Caddel, library, Gravesend, or
Mr. Wildash, bookseller, Rochester. A charge is made of one shilling to each person.
The sum thus accruing is appropriated to the benefit of the schools and other charitable
institutions in the neighbourhood. The visitor is thus relieved from the irksome
necessity of considering what gratuity he is to bestow upon the guide who
accompanies him through the several galleries,—servants “being strictly forbidden to
take any fees.” The cards contain the “Regulations.” Those who can devote but one
day to an examination of this locality will do well to commence by an inspection of
the church and village, and wander about the park after the Hall has been seen. Those
who are not content with so comparatively brief a scrutiny, will find a homely but neat
and comfortable inn at Cobham. It is scarcely necessary to observe that steam-boats
ply, in summer, from Blackwall—distant six miles, or ten minutes, from the heart of
London—every half hour. These voyages commence very early, and are continued to a
late hour; so that although the Hall is five or six and twenty miles from the metropolis,
it will not be found difficult to visit it and return to the city within one day.
[48] “Cobeham, anciently Coptham,—that is the head or village, from the Saxon
Copt, an head.”—Philipott. Survey of Kent.
[49] One of the husbands of this lady was Sir John Oldcastle, who, in the reign of
Henry V., attached himself to the Lollards. He was cited to appear before the
Archbishop of Canterbury, and sentenced to death as “a heretic; who together with
others, to the number of twenty men, called Lollards, had conspired to subvert the
clergy and kill the king.” Having been outlawed upon treason and excommunicated, he
was removed from the Tower to the “New Gallows” in St. Giles’, where he underwent
his sentence—“to be hanged, and burned hanging.” At the place of execution, it is said,
he desired Sir Thomas Erpingham, “in case he saw him risen the third day after, that he
would then be a means to procure favour to the rest of his sect.” His “Tryal” before the
Archbishop of Canterbury, 1 Henry Fifth, A.D. 1413, “on the Saturday after the feast of
St. Matthew,” in the Chapter House of St. Paul, is reported in the State Trials. It is
curious to note the language in which the prelate is stated to have addressed the
doomed recusant:—“We repeated in soft and moderate terms, and in a manner very
courteous and obliging, all our proceedings against him.” “We replied with much
patience, and in a courteous and affectionate manner.” “We besought him, with tears in
our eyes, and exhorted him in the most compassionate manner.” Such, and similar
phrases, record the “gentleness” with which he was doomed to a cruel death. The
archbishop could “make nothing” of the brave Lollard. He openly avowed that the
only honour he vouchsafed to the Image of the Cross was, to “keep it clean, and in his
closet;” declared his belief that he was “the true successor of St. Peter, who followed
him in the purity of his life and conversation;” and protested that he “desired
absolution only from God.” For the said “detestable crime of heresy” he was ordered
to die; “by the advice and consent of men famous for discretion and wisdom;” and was
“dispatched with all convenient expedition.”
[50] Sir Thomas Broke, and Joan de Cobham, his wife, had ten sons and four
daughters. It is their tomb which occupies so prominent a position in the chancel of
Cobham church.
[51] At the trial of Sir Walter Raleigh, at Winton, the 17th of November, 1 Jac.
1603, for high treason, “in conspiring to depose the king and set up the Lady Arabella
Stuart, and corresponding with Spain for that purpose;” a variety of documents and
letters were produced and read; written, as alleged, by Lord Cobham, implicating Sir
Walter, admitting his own guilty participation, and affirming that “he would not have
entered into these courses but by his, Raleigh’s, instigation.” Raleigh’s demand to be
brought “face to face” with his accuser was refused, on the ground that “the accuser
may be drawn by practise to retract what he had deposed, while he is here in person.”
To this Raleigh replied, “He dares not accuse me. He said I was the cause of all his
miseries and the destruction of his house, by my wicked counsel. If this be true, whom
hath he to accuse or be revenged of but me?” “I say,” he added, “that Cobham is a
base, dishonourable, poor soul.” Cobham, however, had retracted his assertions
concerning Raleigh, who, at his trial, produced a letter from Cobham, to this effect:
—“Seeing myself so near my end, for the discharge of my conscience and freeing
myself from your blood, which else will cry vengeance against me, I protest upon my
salvation, I never practised with Spain by your procurement: God so comfort me in
this my affliction, as you are a true subject for anything I know. I will say as Pilate,
‘Purus sum a sanguine hujus.’ So God have mercy upon my soul, as I know no treason
by you.” The letter, however, availed Sir Walter nothing; the attorney-general
affirming “that it had been procured by subtle practices; and that the first declaration
was drawn up voluntarily by my lord Cobham, and without any hopes of pardon.”
Under a most iniquitous sentence then pronounced, Raleigh was executed fifteen years
afterwards; and Cobham had been a houseless wanderer, meanwhile, perishing
unpitied and unwept. Of their intimacy there is no doubt; and it is more than probable
that the Old Hall we are describing was often the home of Sir Walter Raleigh, when
distinguished as “the noble and valorous knight.” It is grievous to think that so great a
“worthy” should have been sacrificed to the pitiful cowardice of so “poor a soul” as
the last of the Cobhams—the degenerate scion of a munificent and valorous race.
[52] Sir Joseph Williamson was the son of a clergyman of Cumberland. He held
various appointments under the Crown, was President of the Royal Society; and was
buried in Westminster Abbey.
[53] “Lady Katherine O’Brien died in November following; upon which her two-
thirds of this manor and seat, with the rest of the estates of the late Duke of Richmond,
purchased by Sir Joseph Williamson, descended to Edward, Lord Clifton and
Cornbury (son of Edward, Lord Cornbury, afterwards Earl of Clarendon, and
Catherine his wife, the only daughter and heir of the said Lady Katherine, by her first
husband, Henry, Lord O’Brien), and on her death without issue, in 1713, to his only
surviving sister and heir, the Lady Theodosia Hyde.”—Hasted’s Kent, vol. i.
[54] The Blighs were originally a Devonshire family; and in the reign of Charles
the First were seated at Rathmore, in the county of Meath, in Ireland.
[55] In 1714, 1 Geo. I., Sir Richard Temple, Bart. was created Baron Cobham—a
title his descendants enjoy. The Temples were connected in the female line with the
Brokes.
[56] At the end of this gallery are, branching to the right and left, the private
apartments of the family; and in a room opening out of the west end of the Picture-
gallery, Queen Elizabeth is reported to have slept when she honoured the Lord
Cobham with a visit during her progress through Kent. In the centre of the ancient
Ceiling are still preserved her Arms, with the date, 1599.
[57] An interesting series of Helmets hangs upon the walls of the chancel. They
vary in age and appearance. The most interesting are two tilting helmets of the time of
Henry V. These helmets were worn over the bassinet, which was also of steel, and
fitted close to the head, having a movable visor which covered the face. The tilting or
tournament helmet had nothing of the kind, an opening for the admission of light and
air being formed by the projection of the lower portion, which covered the face, from
the cap above. A few holes were drilled for sight, and the helmet rested upon the
shoulders, being made wider at the neck, while the bassinet fitted it closely. The crest
of the wearer, a plume of feathers, or other ornament, was generally affixed to these
tournament helmets; and upon one of these at Cobham the staples remain upon the top
and a hook behind, which helped to retain such decorations. A helmet thus ornamented
with the crest of the Brokes—a Saracen’s head—still remains upon the walls. It is,
however, of a much later date, probably about the time of Henry VII., and is a war-
helmet with a movable visor.
[58] The other Brasses require a brief notice. The earliest is to the memory of John
de Cobham, the first Knight Banneret, and Constable of Rochester; he is dressed in a
shirt of mail: round his waist is a rich girdle sustaining a long sword. Eight lines of
Norman French are inscribed round the verge of the slab. 2. Maude de Cobham, wife
to Reynold, Baron Cobham, Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports in the reign of Edward
the Third: she is standing on a dog. 3. Another Maude De Cobham—probably the
wife of Thomas de Cobham, who died in the reign of Richard the Second. 4.
Margaret de Cobham, wife of John Lord Cobham, the founder of the College. The
inscription round the verge informs us, she was daughter to the Earl of Devonshire. 5.
John de Cobham, the founder of the College, standing on a lion under a canopy. In his
hands he holds a church. 6. Thomas de Cobham. 7. Joan de Cobham, “probably the
daughter of John Lord Beauchamp, and mother of the Founder.” 8. Sir John Broke,
and Lady Margaret his wife, under a rich canopy with pendants and other ornaments,
with triangular compartments, “containing circles with shields, one of which bears the
crown of thorns, and the other the five wounds; between the pinnacles, in the centre, is
a curious representation of the Trinity, in which the Deity is delineated with a triple
crown, and the Holy Spirit has a human face. The figure of the knight is gone, but that
of his lady remains; and beneath, are groups of eight sons and ten daughters.” 9. Sir
Reginald Braybroke, the second husband of Joan Lady Cobham. 10. Sir Nicholas
Hawberk, her third husband. 11. Joan de Cobham: she died, as appears from the
inscription, “on the day of St. Hilary the Bishop, A.D. 1433.” At her feet are six sons
and four daughters, and surrounding her are six escutcheons of the Cobham arms and
alliances. 12. Sir Thomas Broke, and one of his three wives. Below them are seven
sons and five daughters. Sir Thomas died in 1529. 13. Sir Ralph, or Rauf de
Cobham, represented by a bust, in a skull-cap and shirt of mail. He died, according to
the inscription, on the 20th January 1402.
[59] The Sackvilles are an ancient and very distinguished family, dating from the
Conquest. The first Peer, the famous Lord Buckhurst and Earl of Dorset, succeeded
Burleigh as Lord Treasurer, an office in which he was confirmed by King James. He is
more celebrated, however, as the author of the earliest English Tragedy in blank verse,
“Gordubuc,” and “The Induction to a Mirrour for Magistrates,” one of the noblest
Poems in the language. Gordubuc is praised by Sidney for its “notable moralitie;” and
the Poem is believed to have given use to the Fairy Queen. All contemporaries agree in
bearing testimony to the virtues of this truly noble man. One of them thus draws his
character:—“How many rare things were in him! who more loving unto his wife! who
more kind unto his children! who more fast unto his friend! who more moderate unto
his enemy! who more true to his word!” The sixth Earl of Dorset is also celebrated in
the History of Literature: he was one of the wits of the licentious court of Charles the
Second; the associate of Rochester, Villiers, and Sedley; but subsequently the patron of
Prior, Dryden, Butler, Congreve, Addison, and Pope. Prior he rescued from a vintner’s
tap, and Butler “owed to him that the court tasted his ‘Hudibras.’ ” His reputation as an
author rests upon a Poem consisting of no more than eleven stanzas—the “song”
beginning
“To all ye ladies now at land,”—
said to have been written on shipboard, on the night preceding a sea-fight. It is an
elegant composition, and manifests a “heedlessnesse of danger” natural to a gallant
youth. Pope hails him as
“the grace of courts, the Muses’ pride;”
and there can be no doubt that he was not only a generous and liberal friend to men
of letters, but a judicious patron to those who needed help.
[60] The Dining Parlour—where, by the way, in 1645, the Court of Sequestration
met and deprived, for loyalty to his sovereign, Edward, the fourth Earl of Dorset, of
his estates—contains a series of Portraits of men who, it is certain, met together often
there, assembled round the festive board of Charles, the sixth Earl. Among the more
interesting and important are those of Waller and Addison, by Jarvis; Dr. Johnson,
Garrick, and Goldsmith, by Sir Joshua Reynolds; Otway, by Sir Peter Lely; Locke,
Hobbes, Sedley, Newton, and Dryden, by Kneller; Cowley and Rochester, by Du
Boyce; Tom Durfey—in “a conversation piece”—by Vandergucht; Burke, by Opie;
together with copies, by less famous hands, of Ben Jonson, Congreve, Wycherley,
Rowe, Garth, Swift, Cartwright, Pope, Betterton, Gay, Handel, &c., &c., &c.
[61] The artist selected as a worthy subject for his pencil the gallery which runs
parallel with “the Brown Gallery,” on the upper floor. It is peculiarly striking and
characteristic; and Time has shaken it into “the picturesque.” It is known as “the
Retainers’ Gallery;” the sleeping apartments of the domestics branch off from it. The
marble chimney-piece, although much dilapidated, is of the finest marble, and of rare
workmanship.
[62] According to Hasted, the name is derived from Pen, an old British word
signifying the top of anything; and hyrst, a wood.
[63] It has been the fortune of the “Arcadia” to be too highly valued in one age, and
far too much underrated in another. Immediately after its publication it was received
with unbounded applause:—“From it was taken the language of compliment and love,
it gave a tinge of similitude to the colloquial and courtly dialect of the time, and from
thence its influence was communicated to the lucubrations of the Poet, the Historian,
and the Divine.” The Book is a mixture of what has been termed the heroic and the
pastoral Romance, interspersed with interludes and episodes, and details the various
and marvellous adventures of two friends, Musidorus and Pyrocles. It was not
intended to be published to the world; but was written merely to pleasure the Countess
of Pembroke—“a principal ornament to the family of the Sidneis.”
[64] The touching incident to which, perhaps, more than to any other circumstance,
Sir Philip is indebted for his heroic fame, is thus related by his friend and biographer,
Fulke Greville, Lord Broke:—“In his sad progress, passing along by the rest of the
army, where his uncle, the General, was, and being thirsty with excess of bleeding, he
called for drink, which was presently brought him; but, as he was putting the bottle to
his mouth, he saw a poor soldier carried along, who had been wounded at the same
time, ghastly casting up his eyes at the bottle. Which Sir Philip perceiving, took it from
his head before he drank, and delivered it to the poor man, with these words, ‘Thy
necessity is yet greater than mine.’ ” He lived in great pain for many days after he was
wounded, and died on the 17th of October, 1586. The close of his life affords a
beautiful lesson. “Calmly and steadily he awaited the approach of death. His prayers
were long and fervent—his bearing was indeed that of a Christian hero. He had a noble
funeral. Kings clad themselves in garments of grief—a whole people grieved for the
loss of the most accomplished scholar, the most graceful courtier, the best soldier, and
the worthiest man of the country and the age. He was buried in state, in the old
Cathedral of St. Paul’s, on the 16th of February. Both Universities composed verses to
his memory; and so general was the mourning for him, that, “for many months after
his death, it was accounted indecent for any gentleman of quality to appear at Court, or
in the City, in any light or gaudy apparel.”
[65] The Norrises had long been a family of note in Lancashire, and held lands in
Blackrod, Sutton, &c. The family of Bradshaw, of Bradshaw, was of Saxon origin, and
seated there before the conquest; after that event, Sir John Bradshaw was repossessed
of his estates by the Conqueror, which went to his posterity for twenty-two descents,
whereof eleven were lineally knighted, as appears by ancient charter, and other
authentic evidences. A full account of the marriages may be seen in Wotton’s
Baronetage (Edition 1769, vol. vi., fol. 14), down to Sir William Bradshaw, second son
of Sir John Bradshaw, the tenth generation from Sir John Bradshaw; which Sir William
married Mabel daughter of Hugh Norreys, or Norris, by which he got for her dowry, as
sole heir of her father, the manors of Sutton, Raynhill, Whiston, Haghe, Blackerode,
and West Leigh. Haghe and Blackrode were held as a twelfth part of a knight’s fee.
There is a well-attested story of Mab and Mab’s Cross. She was obliged to walk bare-
foot and bare-legged once a week from Haigh to near Wigan, to expiate the sin of
marrying again in her husband’s absence, when she thought he had been slain. This
Mab was Mabil Norreys, of Blackrode. A portion of the Cross is still to be seen at the
extremity of the town of Wigan, on the left hand side of the road, leading from Wigan
to Haigh Hall, now the residence of Earl Balcarras.
The Norrises of Speke and Rycot were all martial men. They held their estate of
Speke by military tenure, which they imposed upon their tenantry. The Norrises
acquired great honours in foreign service, in which they were so much engaged as to
be unfrequent attendants at court. A part of the debateable lands at Bromfield, in
Wales, was granted to this family. Sir John Norris was a most accomplished General
about 1577, equally valiant and skilful in a charge as a retreat. On one memorable
occasion, he effected a retreat with a handful of Englishmen, which gained him more
honour than a victory could have conferred. He was sent to Ireland, as a commander,
in the reign of Elizabeth; but not being properly supported by the Government, or
owing perhaps to the animosity of party spirit, he did not succeed in his mission, and
died anno 1597.
[66] The question whether the wainscoting at Speke did or not originally come
from Scotland, appears to have given rise to some discussion; and is unquestionably a
matter of deep interest to antiquarians. Not long ago, Robert Whatton, Esq., F.S.A.,
Member of the Royal College of Surgeons, took some pains to investigate its history,
in order to assist the Scottish Society of Antiquaries, who had organised a committee
with a view to ascertain whether there was or was not any proof to sustain the
tradition.
It appears Mr. Whatton could meet with no intelligence prior to 1767. “Seacome,”
in his History of the House of Stanley, page 46, refers to it; also “Enfield,” in his
History of Liverpool, 4to, 1774, page 115. These accounts have been copied by
Gough, in his edition of Camden, and every subsequent writer.
The very splendid and highly-finished specimen of the carved oak wainscot,
common to the counties of Lancaster and Chester, is erected against the north wall of
the room, and is divided perpendicularly from the ceiling, two-thirds of its extent
downwards, into eight compartments, these compartments being again subdivided
horizontally into five rows of panels; a space corresponding with the width of two of
the compartments, on the right hand, with the exception of the uppermost panels, is
occupied by the door-case, which projects into the room. That part of the wainscot
which is usually allotted to the frieze or cornice, is here formed into a projecting head,
extending through the whole length of the works in a line with the ceiling of the room,
to which it is attached and secured by nine supporters, correspondent with the columns
below.
The columns which divide the wainscot into compartments rise from square
ornamental pedestals; the shafts are fluted in two divisions, having capitals with
volutes and rows of foliage, and supporting scrolls with massive square heads,
increasing in diameter upwards, and reaching to the bottom of the first row of panels.
The columns of the door-case are similar to those on the wainscot, except that the
shafts are ornamented in zigzag instead of fluting; in the centre, over this door, is a
shield with the arms of Norris, quartering Harrington, and Molyneux, and others we
cannot decipher.
With respect to the origin of this fine and beautiful work, there seems to be no
evidence to support the current tradition of its having been originally Scottish. Mr.
Whatton is of opinion, not only that it never came from Scotland, but that it was of
neighbouring manufacture; and was executed for Edward Norris in 1598 (40th of
Elizabeth), and not brought thither by his great uncle, Sir Edward, who fought at
Flodden; but the probability is, that some relics brought from Scotland had been set up
at Speke previous to the erection of the present Manor Hall in 1598; and as these
would no doubt be transferred to the new building, it might have happened in the
course of time, that what was strictly applicable to a part may have been ascribed to
the whole.
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