Jaunākie dokumenti

Kopsavilkums : The IA underpins the proposed legislation that aims to strengthen EU manufacturing and strategic autonomy while ensuring decarbonisation, by boosting demand for low-carbon and EU made products and net zero technologies, promoting foreign investment and simplifying permitting procedures. It provides three policy option packages linked to specific objectives, and explains the need for EU action. However, the IA does not properly set out the reasoning for all the objectives chosen. The policy measures could have been presented in a clearer way, with an explanation of the cumulative effect of combining them. The IA assesses economic impacts in detail but lacks an in-depth analysis of the social and environmental impacts or the implications for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). Stakeholders' views on measures are integrated throughout the IA, and the consultation activities are adequately described. The IA offers both qualitative and quantitative analysis, but on several occasions the sources are partial or even questionable. Most Regulatory Scrutiny Board (RSB) recommendations have been taken on board, improving the quality of the IA. The Commission's legislative proposal differs from the preferred policy option, which is clarified in the explanatory memorandum.

Autori : GRGAS BRUS KATARINA

Autori : SERPIERI Margherita

Kopsavilkums : The impact assessment (IA) clearly identifies the initiative's central trade-off: the more flexibility manufacturers are granted, the lower their compliance costs – but the higher the running costs for vehicle users and society, because more non-zero-emission vehicles remain in the fleet. The IA assesses many options with different degrees of flexibility for car manufactures. It is based on a relatively rich methodology. It quantifies impacts for manufacturers, consumers, society and the environment based on a solid modelling set-up complemented by a total-cost-of-ownership approach. It captures distributional impacts and sectoral shifts. At the same time, considerable weaknesses remain. The intervention logic is weakened where problems are framed as risks relying significantly on stakeholders' perceptions, particularly on non-compliance, possible premiums and investment gaps. The objectives and monitoring framework remain largely broad, particularly at operational level, and the uncertainty analysis is limited to electricity- and battery-price sensitivities. Although the evaluations of impacts on small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and on competitiveness are useful, they rely on limited and partly qualitative input, with no disaggregation by SME size class. More importantly, the final proposal departs from the IA in several respects – notably on 2035 targets, fuel and steel flexibilities, multiannual compliance, and 'made in the EU' conditionalities – without explaining the reasons or likely impacts of these differences. Finally, the IA, which usefully situates the proposal within the wider automotive package, would have benefited from an assessment of the combined effects of that package, providing clearer visibility on how its measures are expected to interact.

Autori : SARRIS Nikolaos

Kopsavilkums : Overcapacities, particularly from China, are perceived as a threat to European manufacturers, distorting competition and straining bilateral trade. On the basis of a dynamic definition of ‘industrial overcapacity’, this study identifies overcapacities for most industrial sectors in China. Absorption occurs primarily through inventory accumulation, while six sectors with rising export-to-revenue ratios account for the large increase in China’s exports to the EU. At the same time, case studies of semiconductors, electric vehicles and batteries, hydrogen, and robotics show that concrete risks from overcapacity for manufacturing in the EU are sector-specific and partly mitigated by value-chain dynamics and technological leadership. In China, overcapacities — discussed as ‘involution’ — are perceived as an unwelcome outcome of industrial policies and an obstacle to the high-priority objectives of technological upgrading and self-sufficiency. As the effectiveness of Chinese policies to reduce overcapacities remains uncertain, competitive pressures upon European companies are likely to persist or intensify. This highlights the need for context-specific EU policy responses, including the full use of traditional trade defence as well as other EU instruments. Policy space provided by WTO law should be tested, renewed efforts for a targeted reform of WTO rules be made, while cooperative efforts with China should be maintained.

Ārējais autors : Stefan MAYR, Lia MUSITZ, Simela PAPATHEOPHILOU, Werner RAZA, Bernhard TRÖSTER, Tobias WUTTKE

Kopsavilkums : This study examines the WTO’s economic and legal value for the European Union and draws policy implications for the European Parliament ahead of MC14. Economically, it shows how MFN non‑discrimination and bound tariffs reduce transaction costs and uncertainty for EU exporters – especially SMEs – and warns that a two‑tier system of bilateral ‘deals’ would fragment markets and penalise EU high‑value trade. It reviews recent quantitative evidence on the welfare and export gains from GATT/WTO Membership and assesses early findings on the Trade Facilitation Agreement, noting that trade‑cost reductions abroad can benefit EU firms via supply chains. Legally, it maps how WTO disciplines shape EU legislation and how EU FTAs both embed WTO rules (‘WTO‑plus‘) and pioneer ‘extra‑WTO‘ and sustainability provisions. It also tests the available policy space to design ‘buy European‘ procurement measures consistently with WTO/GPA commitments. On reform, the study analyses pragmatic pathways for integrating new plurilaterals, improving disciplines on State interventions (including transparency), addressing non‑market practices (subsidies and public bodies), refining Special and differential treatment (SDT), and restoring a functioning dispute settlement system. Key recommendations urge Parliament to champion WTO stability, support integration of plurilaterals, help broaden participation in the Multi-Party Interim Appeal Arbitration Arrangement (MPIA), and ensure credible use of EU enforcement tools against ‘appeal into the void‘ tactics.

Ārējais autors : Peter-Tobias STOLL, Jan HAGEMEJER, Stephen WOOLCOCK, Zaker AHMAD, Oskar CHMIEL

Kopsavilkums : The IA underpins the revision of legislation on precursors to enhancе the monitoring and control of drug and designer precursors in order to reduce the availability of drug precursors for illicit drug manufacturing and to facilitate legitimate trade and use of drug precursors. The IA provides an overall well-structured and evidence-based analysis supporting the legislative proposal on drug precursors. The need for EU action is sufficiently justified and subsidiarity is adequately addressed; however, proportionality is only partially examined. The IA presents a well-evidenced problem definition and identifies the initiative's general and specific objectives, which appear to be specific, achievable, relevant and measurable, but not time-bound, as recommended by the Better Regulation Toolbox 'S.M.A.R.T.' criteria. The IA considers three policy options; however, they appear partly cumulative and not always clearly differentiated, while certain measures lack clarity in their design and justification. The assessment of economic impacts is detailed, including quantified administrative cost savings and expected burden reduction through digitalisation, with positive implications for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and competitiveness. Social and environmental impacts are discussed transparently, though largely qualitatively and with limited quantification. Nevertheless, the IA is transparent about the evidence and analytical methods used, including the underlying assumptions and limitations. Stakeholders were widely consulted, and their views considered; however, the feedback from this consultation strategy could have been reflected more effectively in the IA. The preferred option (PO2) is presented as the most balanced and effective, combining strengthened controls with simplification and digitalisation, while monitoring indicators – particularly on social outcomes – could be strengthened. It appears that efforts were made to address the Regulatory Scrutiny Board's recommendations, but some weaknesses remain. Finally, it appears that the proposal is mostly in line with the preferred option of the IA, with a couple of issues remaining, which are detailed in the briefing.

Autori : EFTHYMIADOU Andriana

Autori : SANDERSKI ANDRZEJ, CROSSFIELD CLARE BABETTE, SERPIERI Margherita

Kopsavilkums : On 20 February 2026, the United States (US) Supreme Court ruled, in a landmark case, that the US International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) of 1977 does not authorise the US president to impose tariffs. The ruling invalidates all tariffs that President Trump imposed under IEEPA on US trading partners, including the April 2025 'reciprocal' tariffs. The ruling is without prejudice to the US sector- and country-specific tariffs that have been levied under different legal bases. While the ruling confirms the US checks and balances and the rule of law, it is silent on the potential refunding of tariffs that have already been collected. The ruling is likely to prompt US trading partners to seek clarity or even the renegotiation of the agreements recently reached with the US.

Autori : GRIEGER Gisela

Kopsavilkums : In December 2025, the European Commission published a communication entitled Strengthening EU economic security as a follow-up to its 2023 economic security strategy. Economic developments – whether related to trade, investment or industry – are increasingly viewed through the lens of security. From a foresight perspective, this development can be analysed as the result of three overlapping and partly reinforcing trends. The first is the weakening of a value-based approach to the economy, as exemplified by fair trade agreements and the EU Green Deal. The second is the rise of geo-economics, which places the interests of countries and regional blocks at the forefront, increasing the need for mitigating policies such as economic security. The third is the growing interaction between defence policy and economic policy, with military security influencing economic decisions and the defence sector growing in importance in the EU economy. This briefing argues that these combined trends are transforming the EU's economic policy and economy, and that the growing prominence of security as a guiding principle of economic and trade policies is bringing the question of EU strategic autonomy back to the centre of EU policy. Although the increasing importance of economic and defence security appears to be mutually reinforcing, with both trends potentially enhancing EU strategic autonomy, synergy between them is not a given. The raw materials and finances needed to reinforce the EU defence industrial base require a strong and open economy. However, concerns about foreign influence require economic decoupling from certain countries (e.g. Russia) and de-risking from others (e.g. China). Moreover, the EU faces unexpectedly difficult choices in its relations with the United States (US), where its dependence on US support in defence and security reduces its capacity to act independently as an economic player and rule-maker.

Autori : DAMEN Mario

Autori : SANDERSKI ANDRZEJ, SERPIERI Margherita

Kopsavilkums : This study examines the extent to which the EU’s legal framework and Member States’ practices on dual-use export controls align with their respective legal obligations, particularly as they relate to conflict-affected regions. There is a lack of high-quality data on EU trade in dual-use goods. While the EU’s annual report has improved in recent years, it continues to lack granularity regarding what is actually exported. Some Member States produce annual reports, including a few that offer a good level of data granularity. Customs trade data including from Eurostat COMEXT is also examined. However, the limited correlation between this data and specific dual-use goods means that it does not significantly close the gap. Despite this, the current dual-use Regulation 2021/821 does provide Member States with a sufficient basis to implement their international commitments for listed items. The situation is different for non-listed items. Many conflict-affected countries are not subject to UN or EU arms embargoes. While sanctions issues are usually considered separately from dual-use export control issues, there is an important provision in Regulation 2021/821 which allows for the control of non-listed goods to military end uses which is only available to Member States when the country is subject to an arms embargo. The study concludes that the EU should improve reporting so that trade in dual-use goods with conflict-affected regions can be monitored, should discourage the use of open and general licences for conflict-affected regions, should solidify its ability to add items to the EU list outside of the multilateral export control regimes, and should issue additional guidance on interpreting licensing criteria when assessing exports to conflict-affected regions, including how to integrate IHL considerations. Overall, the EU should shift to a more proactive approach to risks associated with dual-use trade with conflict-affected regions.

Ārējais autors : Ian J. Stewart

Autori : SANDERSKI ANDRZEJ, SERPIERI Margherita

Kopsavilkums : On 21 October 2025, the European Commission under Ursula von der Leyen's second mandate adopted its work programme for 2026 (2026 CWP). In line with the Commission President's political guidelines and letter of intent and highlighting the need for full implementation of Mario Draghi's competitiveness report, the 2026 CWP places a strong emphasis on competitiveness, innovation and collective security. In parallel, the Commission commits to advancing simplification, implementation, and this year, also to strengthening enforcement. These three areas will remain key horizontal priorities for the entire Commission mandate. Just like last year's CWP, the 2026 CWP adheres to the seven headline ambitions put forward in the political guidelines. It is accompanied by a report on implementation, simplification and enforcement, the first of its kind. This new annual report is set to replace the annual burden survey. Annex I of the 2026 CWP puts forward 70 major new legislative and non-legislative initiatives, 44 % of which fall under the competitiveness headline ambition. (Up to) 48 of the new initiatives are legislative, including three sector-specific omnibus packages (on energy product legislation, taxation and citizens). Of the forthcoming legislative initiatives, 67 % are likely revisions of existing legislation, while more than half have a strong simplification dimension. Unlike previous CWPs, the 2026 CWP does not indicate whether a legislative initiative will be accompanied by an impact assessment; this lack of transparency runs counter to the spirit of the Interinstitutional Agreement on Better Law-Making. Information on the Commission's 'Have your say' portal shows that, at the time of writing, two thirds of the up to 48 legislative initiatives were expected to be accompanied by an impact assessment (though the final number may be higher). The annual evaluation plan presented in Annex II of the CWP, comprising 20 evaluations, does not appear exhaustive. Finally, the communication on Better Regulation, expected in Q2 2026, may entail a revision of the Better Regulation Guidelines, the first since 2021.

Autori : ANGLMAYER Irmgard, DALLI HUBERT, IOANNIDES Isabelle

Kopsavilkums : The demand for 'mirror clauses' in EU free trade agreements (FTAs) or unilateral 'mirror measures' ('mirroring') has gained considerable traction in EU debates on trade and agricultural policy. This study advances a contextual understanding of the terms of 'mirroring' and concepts related to it, presents their economic, legal and operational consequences. It explores rules, potentials and limitations of applying EU sustainability standards to imports. In addition, the expressed need to ensure a fair competition for EU producers – another key motivation behind 'mirroring' – is critically assessed. It is examined how EU standards affect the balance of mutual benefits of trading partners, and different 'mirroring' approaches are explored. The study provides a summary of opportunities and risks to be considered beyond legal conformity for different trade-related options addressing sustainability and competitiveness concerns including 'mirroring'. The study concludes that the 'mirror' metaphor should not distract from the fact that well-established and tailor-made EU policies are available beyond potential 'mirroring' – especially in strengthening competitiveness.

Ārējais autors : Peter-Tobias Stoll et al

Autori : SANDERSKI ANDRZEJ, SERPIERI Margherita

Kopsavilkums : Peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait are under strain. The People’s Republic of China’s diplomatic offensive against the Republic of China, Taiwan, has more recently been coupled with routinised large-scale and increasingly complex military exercises, incursions across the median line and an uptick in hybrid warfare tactics. China’s assertiveness has been met, and sometimes anticipated, by United States-led military and diplomatic countermeasures aimed at fostering Taiwan’s resilience within the broader context of a forceful China pushback. This paper takes stock of cross-Strait dynamics, including the action-reaction spiral which feeds Chinese insecurity and assertiveness, to present options for the European Union (EU) to bolster relations with Taiwan. Based on best practices from Group of Seven allies, the United States of America in particular, the paper argues that the EU should adopt a twin track of diplomacy and realistic deterrence, coupled with reassurances that all interested parties – including its Member States and like-minded parties – will abide by a ‘One China’ policy. The paper also argues that the EU’s support of Taiwan’s democracy needs to take into consideration its fraught and polarised domestic politics.

Ārējais autors : Giulio Pugliese, Aurelio Insisa

Kopsavilkums : This study examines the evolution and prospects of trade and investment relations between the European Union and the Republic of Moldova. It situates Moldova’s shifting economic orientation within its complex geopolitical environment – marked by Russian interference and the Transnistria conflict – and outlines the impact of key milestones such as the EU-Moldova Association Agreement and the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area. The analysis highlights Moldova’s growing trade and investment ties with the EU, sectoral dynamics in agriculture, manufacturing, services, and the energy sector, as well as the economic disruption stemming from Russia’s war on Ukraine. Special scrutiny is given to the revised EU-Moldova DCFTA. The text also analyses Moldova’s EU accession process and the Moldova Growth Plan, offering insights into both the benefits and costs of deeper integration.

Ārējais autors : Jan Hagemejer, Marek Dabrowski

Kopsavilkums : After more than two decades of negotiations, the EU and Mercosur reached an initial agreement text (EUMETA) in 2019. Since then, however, several political developments - most notably the increase in deforestation rates in Brazil under President Bolsonaro - have called for further negotiations. Concerns over sustainability led the EU to demand additional commitments and to adopt unilateral instruments, such as the Regulation on Deforestation-free Products (EUDR), which Mercosur perceived as undermining the benefits of the EUMETA 2019. At the same time, escalating geopolitical and economic tensions underscored the strategic importance for trade agreements. The revised EUMETA 2024 presents a balanced compromise: the EU secures strengthened sustainability provisions and protection against potential export duties, while Mercosur gains some linkages to EU unilateral measures on sustainability. These include the possibility of benefiting from risk classification for the EUDR, amendments to the tariff elimination schedule for vehicles, specific safeguards, and options for export duties for selected minerals. Agricultural market access remains largely consistent with EUMETA 2019, with only modest additional quotas for Paraguay. By incorporating multiple protection mechanisms and aligning with complementary EU sustainability policies, EUMETA 2024 aims to address European concerns related to deforestation and competition risks.

Ārējais autors : Bettina RUDLOFF et al

Kopsavilkums : This report assesses the economic, sustainability and regulatory effects of the trade part of the EU-Mercosur Partnership Agreement (EUMETA), with a focus on developments between the 2019 and 2024 revisions of the agreement. In our assessment, the macroeconomic effects of the agreement remain positive albeit moderate, with most of the gains concentrated in the EU industry. Developments since the 2019 and 2024 iterations of the EUMETA have significantly reduced sustainability-related risks. On the EU side, a suite of unilateral measures reinforces deforestation-free product standards, thereby mitigating potential climate effects, and bolsters labour rights across international value chains, independently of any trade agreement. Meanwhile, CO2 emissions in Mercosur countries have fallen and deforestation rates have declined. Against the backdrop of escalating global trade tensions, the economic and political benefits of EUMETA appear to outweigh the remaining risks. These risks are being managed both through safeguards built into EUMETA and through an array of other instruments beyond the agreement (agricultural support fund and unilateral sustainability measures.

Ārējais autors : Jan Hagemajer et al.

Kopsavilkums : This research paper examines the evolving landscape of digital trade and its impact on small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in the European Union (EU). As digitalisation transforms global commerce, EU SMEs face significant opportunities as well as regulatory and competitive challenges. The study highlights key digital policy approaches, and in that context situates the current EU practice and commitments in international trade agreements affecting cross-border data flows, digital platforms and market access. The research highlights that while digital trade lowers costs and expands opportunities, complex compliance requirements and regulatory fragmenta¬tion hinder SME competitiveness. The study contrasts the EU’s rights-based approach to digital governance with the market-driven framework of the United States and the state-controlled model of China. To enhance SME participation in digital trade, the paper recommends a coordinated whole-of-government approach to digital regulation, stronger EU leadership in global trade negotiations, tailored SME provisions in trade agreements and expanded support for digital innovation and skills.

Ārējais autors : Zaker Ahmad, Peter-Tobias Stoll,

Kopsavilkums : This study offers an in-depth examination of the European Union’s (EU) trade defence instruments (TDI), focusing on their evolution, implementation and impact on industries, particularly small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). It takes stock of the European Commission’s trade defence activities and critically examines existing TDI. It highlights procedural complexities, including investigation timelines and provisional measures, alongside the unique challenges SMEs face in accessing TDI. It includes a short empirical analysis of the activity of EU trade defence measures and explores sector-specific dynamics, with examples from steel, ceramics and renewable energy industries, illustrating the protective and adaptive role of TDI against unfair global trade practices such as dumping and subsidies. Comparative insights into international practices from the USA, China and India further contextualise EU approaches.

Ārējais autors : Andreas MAURER, Zaker AHMAD, Jan HAGEMEJER

Kopsavilkums : The European Parliament is vested with powers of democratic oversight and political scrutiny vis-à-vis the European Commission. These powers of Parliament enhance the democratic legitimacy of the EU as a whole, and help increase the transparency and accountability of the Commission as the EU's executive body. This study examines Parliament's oversight and scrutiny powers over the Commission. It focuses mainly, but not exclusively, on the powers that are enshrined in specific provisions of the EU Treaties. This includes Parliament's role in the Commission's investiture, in motions of censure, parliamentary questions, committees of inquiry and special committees, and in the Commission's obligations to report, consult and inform. It also looks into Parliament's scrutiny over budgetary issues, of delegated acts, in the context of the EU legislative procedure and agenda-setting, of legal proceedings before the Court of Justice of the European Union, and of the EU's external relations. The study builds on a previous EPRS study on parliamentary scrutiny of the Commission, originally requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Constitutional Affairs (AFCO) in 2018. The data presented in this edition focus on the ninth term parliamentary term (2019 to 2024).

Autori : TENHUNEN Susanna, EISELE Katharina, AHAMAD MADATALI HANNAH NAFIZE, JANSEN Talander Hugo

Kopsavilkums : This paper examines the trade aspects of the Strategic Dialogue on the future of EU agriculture and its impact on the competitiveness and sustainability of European agriculture. It highlights the dual role of trade as both a challenge and an opportunity for the EU agricultural sector. On the one hand, trade opens new markets and provides access to essential inputs, thereby increasing productivity and profitability. On the other hand, it introduces competitive pressure and market volatility, requiring constant innovation and efficiency. The paper identifies offensive sectors of EU agriculture, such as alcoholic beverages and cereals, which benefit from trade, and defensive sectors, such as beef and sugar, which are vulnerable to international competition. It also discusses the regulatory divergences faced by EU farmers and the need for a level playing field to ensure fair competition. The paper concludes with recommendations to support farmers, strengthen border controls, promote EU standards globally and reduce import dependency in order to improve the resilience and sustainability of the EU agricultural sector.

Ārējais autors : Charlotte EMLINGER, Houssein GUIMBARD

Kopsavilkums : Commitments made at the confirmation hearings of the Commissioners-designate 2024-2029

Kopsavilkums : The European Union’s policies influence third country trading partners’ domestic policy in different ways. Unilateral legislation in the green and digital fields, for example, contribute to setting global standards as traders must comply with EU requirements to access the Single market. The digital transition cooperation between Africa and the EU could lead to further regulatory convergence in the digital field. The EU's human-centric approach to digital policy, fostering consumer protection and trust inter alia through the General Data Protection Regulation, influences the African Continental Free Trade Area. Ensuring market access between Africa and the EU including in the field of e-commerce is strategically desirable for both blocks. Green legislation will impact foreign producers including smallholder and could potentially result in changes in trade flows. The liberalisation of trade through FTAs fosters economic growth and guarantees access to critical resources such as Chilean lithium for the EU’s digital transition. However, it can also exert environmental and social pressures on trading partners. Lastly, the rules based international trading system established by the WTO can be eroded by government subsidies with significant negative spillover effects on international trade. Global dialogue between trade partners is desirable to avoid a subsidy race .

Ārējais autors : Caroline Fitzsimons and Pierre Hausemers