• 40 Posts
  • 140 Comments
Joined 11 months ago
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Cake day: May 6th, 2025

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  • Harpoon 2 — Mark up to 4 files and jump between them instantly. Once you start using this, you can’t go back.

    You can replace harpoon with native argslist, if you don’t need any advanced features. Works great for me. Interesting that you feel the need to use both Harpoon and Snipe, though. I max put like 4 different buffers into “Harpoon” and if I need to navigate elsewhere I just use my picker (mini.pick) to search through files or grep for words.

    Lazy-load everything. Most plugins don’t need to load until you actually use them.

    If you don’t have a lot of heavy plugins IMO you don’t really need to lazy load. Ever since I switched to 0.12 (lazy -> native pack) I don’t lazy load anything and honestly I see absolutely no difference and you avoid a lot of the complexity.

    vim-commentary — gcc to comment a line. Classic.

    This is native in nvim already.

    auto-session — Restores your buffers and layout when you reopen a project.

    You can also achieve this with native nvim functionality if you don’t need anything complex.

    nvim-ufo — Better code folding with treesitter.

    I’m curious why the need for this vs native functionality?




  • EU is going down the same path. The “EU alternative” stuff is just bogus. It’s just a matter of time before EU starts doing the same.

    It’s not bogus if you are yourself European or if the alternative is Big Tech. But I feel you. There are lots of shitty European companies that are not that much better. I avoided the switch to Spotify because even though they are “European” they gave a lot of money to Joe Rogan and to Trump on his inauguration.

    Also, the EU did recently reject the chat control proposal so at least that’s something…





  • Because it isn‘t a single state?

    Yes. How can you be a superpower when a single country like Hungary can veto important decisions?

    It doesn’t even have it’s own army. Only 27 separate militaries with different languages, commanders, equipment and it relies on US-led NATO for security.

    For all the recent announcements, Europe has little strategic autonomy. Military capacity is outsourced to Washington, technology platforms are American, energy reliance has shifted from Russian gas to American liquefied natural gas, and the dollar’s reserve role leaves European economies exposed to decisions made in the White House. Europe never built the political architecture to address any of this. The fundamental question remains unanswered: is this economic integration to manage a single market, or political integration with genuine collective agency? Decades of deferring that answer have left Europe divided, dependent, and sidelined.


  • The EU’s Single Market is still large and wealthy enough that it routinely forces the US and China to adapt to its rules. That is a massive form of global influence.

    Also, multilateralism isn’t the EU trying to unilaterally enforce rules against the USA, China, Russia and so on. It’s the EU teaming up with other like-minded middle powers (like Japan, Canada, Australia, Brazil, etc.), and international institutions to create diplomatic and economic costs for rule-breakers. But if EU is inconsistent in this regard (like it was with US Iran situation) no one will take it seriously. Rules cannot apply only when it’s convenient to you. That is what the author was pointing out.

    But you’re not wrong. He’s approaching the issue from a Liberal Institutionalist perspective, while you’re viewing it through the lens of Structural Realism. Both valid perspectives. One point that both of you will agree on is that EU needs to get independent from the US ASAP.